The known history of viet nam, over 2000 years long already, is fertile in upheavals. The Chinese invasions and the long periods of domination they entailed, the struggle for emancipation and territorial expansion, internal rivalry, the difficult unification of the "Three Kys" (Tonkin, Annam, Cochinchina), finally French tutelage, the influence of our culture and Catholicism:so many factors that have profoundly changed the destiny of Vietnam and the mosaic of small communities that populate it.
None However, none of these upheavals was as heavy with consequences for Indochina and for the world as that brought about by the two. years 1945 and 1946.
It was at this moment, in fact, that, taking advantage of the circumstances arising from the Second World War, Vietnam freed itself from French tutelage and rejected the membership considered for a moment in a French Union, of which he could be the cornerstone and within which he could have perfected his development, to allow himself to be enrolled in another community - otherwise demanding - from which he is not about to free himself .
It was at this time that Vietnam, so painfully unified over the ages, finds itself divided and knows the wound of a new partition, a bleeding wound in the heart of all patriots and which they refuse to accept.
It was at this time finally that Vietnam fell prey to a war of which, even today, after a quarter of a century, no one can foresee the end nor measure all the consequences.
But we must first recall where the world was at the dawn of 1945.
In Europe, the collapse of the Axis forces s 'accelerated. After having counter-attacked on the various western fronts and threatening for a moment to reinvest Strasbourg, the Nazi armies resumed their withdrawal movement; soon, the French and the Allies will cross the Rhine.
In the east, the German front is cracking on all sides under the pressure of the Soviets, who, from April, will encircle Berlin. In Asia and the Pacific, the Allies went on the offensive everywhere:in Burma, the British pushed the Japanese back east of the Irrawaddy; in the Pacific, MacArthur kept his word; he has "come back", has recently regained his footing in the Philippines and will soon reoccupy Manila. While the American air forces begin the systematic bombardment of Japan, in Yalta, Stalin, Churchill and Roosevelt, sure of victory, are already consulting on the policy that should be imposed on Europe and the world. Many nations that had remained neutral flew to the aid of success and sided with the Allies.
In France, the government of General de Gaulle, after having restored the Republic, undertook to raise our country from its ruins and to restore its place among the nations.
While the world is changing thus towards its new destiny, French Indochina, which had remained on the sidelines of the world conflict, vegetated under a double tutelage, in a paradoxical and relative tranquillity.
As early as 1940, Japan, after having conquered almost all of Southeast Asia, had occupied Indochina following ultimatums, which our proconsuls had not had the means to oppose. But the administration remained French and our armed forces retained their freedom of movement within the country. In short, the principle of French sovereignty did not seem to be in question.
When in 1945 the Allies intensified their offensive on all Asian fronts, the French population of Indochina understood that the time was approaching when she could in her turn take part in the struggle for liberation, and each, according to his temperament and his convictions, more or less prepared for it.
From 1941, following the example of mainland France, networks had been organized, first among the civilian population, which aimed to provide the Allies with all useful information. From 1944, liaison had been established between these resistance movements and the Provisional Government of the French Republic, or G.P.R.F., by Commandant de Langlade. In September, General Mordant, senior commander of the troops, officially retired. In fact, he became, for Indochina, delegate general of the provisional government, that is to say leader of the resistance which was organized in the army.
Admiral Decoux , Governor General, while remaining loyal to the authorities of Vichy, took advantage of the links established to enter into contact with the G.P.R.F., whose directives, however, he refused to follow.