General History of the Roman Republic of Polybius
The Mercenary Revolt (241-238 BC) (Book I, Chapters 15-18)
[15] The treaty of peace concluded and ratified, Amilcar led the army from the camp of Eryce to Lilybea, and there resigned the command. Gescon, governor of the city, undertook the task of sending these troops back to Africa; but foreseeing what might happen, he thought of a very wise expedient. He divided these troops, and only allowed them to embark part by part, and at intervals, in order to give the Carthaginians time to pay them as they arrived, and to send them home before the others landed. The Carthaginians, exhausted by the expenses of the preceding war, and flattering themselves that by keeping these mercenaries in the city, they would obtain some grace from them on the pay which was due to them, received and enclosed within their walls all those who landed. But disorder and license soon reigned everywhere; night and day the sad effects were felt. Fearing that this multitude of people picked up would push things still further, they begged their officers to take them all to Sicca, to make them each accept a piece of gold for the most pressing needs. , and to wait there until they had prepared all the money that had been agreed to be given them, and until the rest of their people had joined them. These chiefs willingly consented to this retreat; but as these foreigners wanted to leave in Carthage all that belonged to them, according to what had been practiced before, and for the reason that they were to return there soon to receive the payment of their pay, this worried the Carthaginians. They feared that these soldiers reunited, after a long absence, with their children and their wives, would absolutely refuse to leave the city, or would return there to satisfy their tenderness, and that thereby the same disorders would be seen again. . In this thought they compelled them, in spite of their representations, to take with them to Sicca all that they had in Carthage. There this multitude, living in an inaction and a repose in which it had not seen itself for a long time, did all it wanted with impunity, the ordinary effect of idleness, the thing in the world which one should suffer the least in foreign troops, and which is like the first cause of the seditions. Some of them occupied their leisure in calculating the money which was still due them, and, increasing the sum by many, said that it was necessary to exact it from the Carthaginians. All remembering the promises made to them on perilous occasions, founded great hopes upon them, and expected great advantages. When they were all assembled, Hanno, who commanded for the Carthaginians in Africa, arrived at Sicca; and far from fulfilling the expectations of foreigners, he said:that the republic could not keep their word; that she was burdened with taxes; that she suffered from a frightful scarcity of everything, and that she asked them to forgive her part of what she owed them. No sooner had he stopped speaking than this soldiery mutinies and revolts. First each nation gathers individually, then all the nations together; the trouble, the tumult, the confusion such as one can imagine among troops from different countries and languages.
If the Carthaginians, in taking soldiers from any nation, have in view only to make more flexible and more submissive armies, this custom is not to be despised; Troops collected in this way do not immediately riot to excite each other to rebellion, and the chiefs have less difficulty in mastering them. But on the other hand, if we consider the embarrassment we are in when it is a question of instructing, of calming, of disabusing these sorts of spirits, whenever anger or revolt agitates and transports them, we will agree that this policy is very misunderstood. These troops, once carried away by some of these passions, surpass all limits:they are no longer men, they are ferocious beasts; there is no violence that one should not expect. The Carthaginians made it a sad experience on this occasion. This multitude was made up of Spaniards, Gauls, Ligurians, Balearics, Greeks of all castes, most of them deserters and valets, and especially Africans. To assemble them in the same place, and there to harangue them, that was not possible; because how to make them hear what we had to say to them? It is impossible for a general to know so many languages:it is even more so to have interpreters say the same thing four or five times. All that remains is to use their officers for this, and that is what Hanno did. But what happened? often either they did not hear what he said to them, or the captains, after agreeing on something with him, reported to their people quite the opposite, some out of ignorance, others out of malice. So one saw only uncertainty, distrust, cabal everywhere. Moreover, these foreigners suspected that it was not without design that the Carthaginians, instead of deputing to them the chiefs who had witnessed their services in Sicily and authors of the promises which had been made to them, had sent them a man who had not been on any of the occasions when they had signalised themselves. The conclusion was:that they rejected Hanno; that they placed no faith in their particular officers, and that, irritated against the Carthaginians, they advanced towards Carthage to the number of more than twenty thousand men, and took up quarters at Tunis, twenty-six stadia from the city.
It was then, but too late, that the Carthaginians recognized the mistakes they had made. It was already two great things not to have, in time of war, employed the troops of the city, and to have gathered in one place such a great multitude of mercenary soldiers; but they were still more wrong to have got rid of the children, the wives and the effects of these strangers. All this would have taken the place of hostages for them, and by keeping them they could have fearlessly taken measures as to what they had to do, and more easily brought these troops to what they wanted of them; whereas in the fright into which the vicinity of this army threw them, to calm its fury it was necessary to go through everything it wanted. Food was sent in quantity, as she pleased, and at the price she set for it. The senate continually deputed some of its members to assure them that they had only to ask, that we were ready to do anything for them, provided that what they asked was possible. The terror with which they felt the Carthaginians stricken increased their audacity and their insolence to such a point that, each day, they imagined something new, persuaded, moreover, that after the military exploits they had made in Sicily, neither the Carthaginians, nor any people in the world, would dare to present themselves in arms before them. In this confidence, when they had been granted their pay, they wanted to be reimbursed the price of the horses which had been killed; after that, that they be paid for the food, which had been due to them for a long time, at the price that they sold for during the war, which was an exorbitant price:there were new exactions every day on the part of drafts and seditious with which this populace was filled, and new exactions with which the republic could not satisfy. Finally, the Carthaginians promising to do everything in their power for them, it was agreed to refer the dispute to one of the general officers who had been in Sicily.
Amilcar was one of those under whom they had served in this island; but he was suspicious to them because, not having come to see them as a deputy, and having, according to them, voluntarily resigned from command, he was partly the cause of their having so little regard for them. Gescon was entirely to their liking. Besides having commanded in Sicily, he had always taken their interests to heart, but especially when it was a question of dismissing them. It was therefore he whom they took as arbiter of the dispute. Gescon provides himself with money, goes to sea and disembarks in Tunis. First he addresses the chiefs; then he makes assemblies by nation; he rebukes about the past, he admonishes about the present, but he particularly insists on the future, urging them not to depart from the friendship they should have had for the Carthaginians, in whose pay they had for a long time carried the weapons. He was preparing, finally, to discharge the debts, and to make the payment by nation, when a certain Campanian, named Spendius, formerly a slave among the Romans, a strong man and bold to the point of temerity, fearing that his master, who sought him, did not catch him, and did not make him suffer the tortures and death which he deserved according to the Roman laws, said and did all he could to prevent accommodation. A certain Mathos, an African, had joined him. He was a free man indeed, and had served in the army; but as he had been one of the principal authors of past disturbances, for fear of being punished both for his crime and that in which he had engaged the others, he had entered into the views of Spendius, and, pulling the Africans aside, made them understand:that as soon as the other nations had been paid, and had withdrawn, the Carthaginians were to break out against them, and punish them in such a way as to terrify all their compatriots. Thereupon tempers flared and irritated. As Gescon paid only the pay, and postponed the payment of food and horses until another time, on this frivolous pretext they assembled in an uproar. Spendius and Mathos rage against Gescon and the Carthaginians. Africans only have ears and attention for themselves. If anyone else comes forward to give them advice, having only to hear whether it is for or against Spendius, they immediately throw stones at him. A number of officers, and a great number of individuals, lost their lives in these crushes, where there was only the word:strike! that all the nations heard, because they knocked incessantly, and especially when, full of wine, they assembled after dinner; for then, as soon as someone had said the fatal word:strike! they struck from all sides so suddenly that whoever came there was killed without being able to escape. This violence, keeping everyone away from them, put Mathos and Spendius at their head.
Gescon, in the midst of this tumult, remained unshakable:full of zeal for the interests of his country, and foreseeing that the fury of these seditious men threatened it with complete ruin, he stood up to them, even at the risk of his life. Sometimes he addressed himself to the chiefs, sometimes he assembled each nation individually, and tried to appease it. But the Africans having come to haughtily ask for the food that they claimed to be due to them, to chastise their insolence he told them to go and ask Mathos for it. This reply piqued them so much that they had barely heard it and threw themselves on the money which had been brought, on Gescon and on the Carthaginians who accompanied him. Mathos and Spendius, persuaded that war would not fail to break out if some brilliant outrage were committed, further irritated this reckless populace. The Carthaginians' crew and money were plundered; Gescon and his people ignominiously bound and thrown into a dungeon; war openly declared against the Carthaginians, and the rights of nations violated by the most impious of all conspiracies. This was the beginning of the war against foreigners, also called the African war.
Mathos, after this exploit, dispatched his people to the cities of Africa to bring them to recover their freedom, to send help to him, and to join him. Almost all Africans joined in this revolt. Provisions and troops were sent, which shared the operations. One part laid siege to Utica, and the other to Hippone-Zarytus, because these two cities had refused to take part in their rebellion. A war so unexpectedly saddened the Carthaginians extremely. In truth, they only needed their territory for the necessities of life; but the preparations for war and the large provisions were made only out of the revenues which they drew from Africa:besides that they were accustomed to make war only with foreign troops. All this aid not only failed them then, but turned against them. Peace made, they flattered themselves that they would breathe a little, and relax from the continual labors which the war in Sicily had made them endure, and they saw another greater and more formidable than the first rise. In that one it was only Sicily that they had disputed with the Romans; but this was a civil war, in which it was a question of nothing less than their own salvation and that of the fatherland. Besides that, there were no arms, no naval army, no vessels, no ammunition, no friends or allies from whom they could in the least hope for help. They then felt how much more annoying an internal war is than a war that is fought far away and beyond the sea. And the main cause of all these misfortunes was themselves. In the previous war they had treated the Africans with the utmost harshness:demanding from the country people, on pretexts which had only the appearance of reason, half of all income, and from the townspeople once more taxes than they paid before, without giving quarter or favor to anyone, however poor. Among the intendants of the provinces, it was not those who behaved with gentleness and humanity that they valued the most; but of those who hoarded the most food and ammunition for them, and with whom one found the least access and indulgence.
Hanno, for example, was a man of their taste. Peoples thus ill-treated did not need to be incited to revolt, it was enough to announce one to them to join it. The same women, who until then had seen without emotion dragging their husbands and their kind to prison for the payment of taxes, before swearing among themselves in each city to hide nothing of their effects, took pleasure in employing the pay of the troops all they had of furniture and ornaments, and thereby furnished Mathos and Spendius with such abundant sums, that not only did they pay the foreign soldiers the rest of the pay which they had promised them for engage them in their revolt, but that they had enough to support the expenses of the war without interruption. It is so true that, in order to govern well, one must not limit oneself to the present, but must also focus on the future, and pay even more attention to it.
In spite of such unfortunate conjunctures, the Carthaginians having chosen Hanno as their chief, who had already submitted to them that part of Africa which is towards Hecatontapyle, they assembled foreigners, made those citizens who were of competent age take up arms, exercised the town's cavalry and outfitted what remained with three- and five-row galleys and larger barques. Mathos, on his side, having received seventy thousand Africans, and having made two corps of them, peacefully pushed forward his two sieges. The camp he had in Tunis was also safe; and by these two posts he cut the Carthaginians off from all communication with outer Africa; for the city of Carthage juts out into the gulf, and forms a kind of peninsula, almost entirely surrounded, partly by the sea and partly by a lake. The isthmus which joins it to Africa is about twenty-five stadia wide. Utica is situated towards the side of the city which faces the sea; across the lake is Tunis. From these two posts the foreigners confined the Carthaginians within their walls, and harassed them incessantly. Sometimes by day, sometimes by night, they came to the foot of the walls, and thereby spread terror among the inhabitants.
Hanno during this time applied himself tirelessly to amassing ammunition. That was his whole talent. At the head of an army it was nothing. No presence of mind to seize opportunities, no experience, no capacity for big business. When he prepared to succor Utica, he had so many elephants that the enemy believed themselves lost; he had at least a hundred. The beginnings of this expedition were very happy; but he took so little advantage of it that he thought he was losing those to whose help he had come. He had had catapults, arrows, in a word, all the preparations for a siege brought from Carthage; and being encamped before Utica, he undertook to attack the intrenchments of the enemy. The elephants having thrown themselves into the camp with impetuosity, the besiegers, who could not sustain the shock, all came out, most of them mortally wounded. What escaped retreated to a steep, tree-covered hill. Hanno, accustomed to making war on Numidians and Africans, who at the first failure take flight and go two or three days away, thought he had fully won, and that the enemies would never recover. With this thought he no longer thought either of his soldiers or of the defense of his camp. He entered the city, and thought only of treating himself well. The foreigners who had taken refuge on the hill were among those soldiers trained by Amilcar for bold undertakings, and who had learned in the Sicilian war sometimes to retreat, sometimes, turning around, returning to the charge and carrying out this maneuver several times in same day. These soldiers seeing that the Carthaginian general had retired into the city, and that the troops, happy with their first success, were nonchalantly departing from their camp, they fell in serried ranks on the entrenchment, seized a large number of soldiers, forced the others to flee in shame beneath the walls and gates of the city, and seized all the equipages, all the preparations, and all the provisions that Hanno had brought from Carthage. This was not the only affair in which this general showed his incapacity. A few days later he was with Gorza; the enemies came to camp near him:the opportunity arose to defeat them twice in pitched battle, and twice, by surprise, he let it escape without anyone being able to say why.
The Carthaginians finally got tired of this clumsy officer, and put Amilcar in his place. They made him an army composed of seventy elephants, of all that had been amassed of foreigners, of the deserters of the enemies, of the cavalry and the infantry of the city; which amounted to about ten thousand men. From his first action he stunned the enemies so strongly that their arms fell from their hands, and they raised the siege of Utica. So this action was worthy of the first exploits of this captain, and of what his country expected of him. Here are the details.
On the pass which joins Carthage to Africa are scattered here and there hills very difficult to cross, and between which paths have been cut which lead inland. However strong all these passages were already by the arrangement of the hills, Mathos still had them guarded exactly; besides that the Macar, a deep river, which is fordable almost nowhere, and over which there is only one bridge, closes in certain places the entrance to the countryside to those who leave Carthage. This very bridge was guarded and a city had been built there:so that not only an army, but even a single man could hardly pass inland without being seen by the enemy. Amilcar, after having tried every means of overcoming these obstacles, finally thought of an expedient. Having taken care that when certain winds come to rise, the mouth of the Macar is covered with sand, and that it forms there like a kind of bench, he arranges everything for the departure of the army, without anything tell anyone of his intention; these winds blow; he leaves at night, and finds himself at daybreak on the other side of the river, without having been seen, to the great astonishment of both the enemies and the besieged. He then crosses the plain and walks straight to the bridge guard. Spendius comes to meet him; and about ten thousand men from the city built near the bridge having joined the fifteen thousand from Utica, these two corps prepare to support each other. When they were in the presence, the foreigners, believing the Carthaginians surrounded, exhort each other, encourage each other and come to blows. Amilcar advances towards them, having in the first line the elephants, behind them the cavalry with the lightly armed, and in the third line the heavily armed men. But the enemies falling hastily on him, he changes the disposition of his army, makes those go from head to tail, and having brought from both sides those who were in the third line, he opposes them to the enemies. Africans and foreigners imagine that it is out of fear that they retreat; they leave their ranks, run at them, and charge briskly. But as soon as the cavalry turned around, approached the heavily armed soldiers, and covered all the rest of the troops; then the Africans who fought scattered and without order, frightened by this extraordinary movement, left taken first and fled. They fall on those who followed them, they cast consternation on them and thus lead them to their ruin. They are pursued by the cavalry and the elephants, who crush the greater part of them under their feet. About six thousand men, both Africans and foreigners, perished in this battle, and two thousand prisoners were taken. The rest escaped, gone to the town built at the end of the bridge, gone to the camp of Utica. Amilcar, after this happy success, pursues the enemies. He immediately took the city where the enemies had taken refuge, and which they had then abandoned to retire to Tunis. Then beating the country, he subjugated the cities, some by composition, others by force. This progress dispelled the fear of the Carthaginians, who then began to have a slightly less bad opinion of their affairs.
[17] For Mathos, he still continued the siege of Hippo, advising Autaritus, chief of the Gauls, and Spendius to always press the enemies, to avoid the plains because of the number of their horses and their elephants, to skirt the foot of the mountains, and to attack them whenever they saw them in some difficulty. With this view he sent to the Numidians and to the Africans, to urge them to succor these two chiefs, and not to miss the opportunity of shaking off the yoke which the Carthaginians imposed on them. Spendius on his side, at the head of six thousand men drawn from the different nations who were in Tunis, and of two thousand Gauls commanded by Autaritus, the only ones who had remained under this chief after the desertion of those who had lined up under the ensigns from the Romans to the camp of Eryce, Spendius, I say, according to the advice of Mathos, always rubbed shoulders with the Carthaginians by following the foot of the mountains. One day when Amilcar was encamped in a plain surrounded by mountains, the assistance sent by the Numidians and the Africans joined the army of Spendius; the general of Carthage found himself very embarrassed, having in mind the Africans, the Numidians in the rear, and in flank the army of Spendius:for how to get out of this bad situation?
There was then in the army of Spendius a certain Numidian named Naravase, a man of the most illustrious of his nation, and full of military ardour; who had inherited from his father a great inclination for the Carthaginians, but who was even more attached to them, since he had known the merit of Amilcar. Believing that the opportunity was good to win the friendship of this people, he came to the camp, having with him about a hundred Numidians. He approaches the entrenchments, and stands there without fear, and waving his hand. Amilcar surprised sends him a horseman. He says he was asking for a conference with this general. As the latter hesitated and found it difficult to trust this adventurer, Naravase gave his horse and his arms to those who accompanied him, and entered the camp, his head raised and with an air of assurance that would astonish all those who saw him. were watching. They received him nevertheless, and they took him to Amilcar:he told him that he wished well for all the Carthaginians in general, but that he especially wished to be a friend of Amilcar; that he had come only to bind friendship with him, disposed on his side to enter into all his views and to share in all his labours. This speech, added to the confidence and the ingenuity with which this young man spoke, gave so much joy to Amilcar, that he not only wanted to associate him with his actions, but that he made him an oath to give him his daughter. in marriage, provided he remained faithful to the Carthaginians.
The alliance made, Naravases came, bringing with him about two thousand Numidians whom he commanded. With this aid Amilcar puts his army into battle; Spendius had also joined the Africans in fighting and descended to the plain. We come to blows. The fight was stubborn, but Amilcar had the upper hand. The elephants distinguished themselves on this occasion, but Naravase distinguished himself there more than anyone. Autarite and Spendius fled. Ten thousand of the enemy remained on the field of battle, and four thousand prisoners were taken. After this action, those of the prisoners who wanted to take part in the army of the Carthaginians, were well received there, and they were dressed in the arms that had been taken from the enemies. For those who did not want to, Amilcar assembled them, told them:that he forgave them all past faults, and that each of them could retire wherever he liked; but that if in the future we take someone carrying offensive weapons against the Carthaginians, there would be no favor to hope for him.
About this same time, the foreigners who guarded the island of Sardinia, imitating Mathos and Spendius, revolted against the Carthaginians who were there, and having shut up in the citadel Bostar chief of the auxiliary troops, they killed him, him and all that there were his fellow citizens. The Carthaginians again cast their eyes on Hanno, and sent him there with an army; but his own troops abandoned him to turn to the side of the rebels who then seized his person and tied him to a cross. New tortures were also invented against all the Carthaginians who were on the island, not one of them was spared. After that the cities were taken, the whole island was invaded, until a sedition having arisen, the natives of the country drove out all these foreigners, and obliged them to retire to Italy. It was thus that the Carthaginians lost Sardinia, an island, by everyone's consent, very considerable in its size, in the number of men with which it is populated, and in its fertility. We won't say more about it, we would only repeat what others have said before us.
Mathos, Spendius and Aularite seeing the humanity which Amilcar used towards the prisoners, feared that the Africans and the foreigners, won over by this attraction, would run to seek the impunity which was offered to them; they held council to seek together by what new attempt they could put the height of the rebellion:the result was that they would all be summoned, and that a messenger would be brought into the assembly as bringing from Sardinia a letter from the share of people of the same faction who were in this island. The thing was carried out, and the letter bore:that they closely observe Gescon and all those whom he commanded, and against whom they had revolted in Tunis; that there were secret practices in the army in favor of the Carthaginians. On this alleged news, Spendius recommends to these nations not to let themselves be dazzled by the kindness that Amilcar had had for the prisoners:that in sending them back his object was not to save them, but to make himself thereby master. of those who remained, and to envelop them all in the same punishment as soon as he had them in his power; that they take good care not to dismiss Gescon; what a shame would they be to let go of a man of such importance and merit; that by letting him go they would do themselves great harm, since he would not fail to turn against them, and become their greatest enemy. He was still speaking, when another messenger, as if arriving from Tunis, brought a letter similar to the first. Whereupon Autaritus, taking the floor, said:that there was no other means of restoring affairs, than never to hope for anything more from the Carthaginians; that whoever expected anything from their friendship could only have a feigned alliance with strangers; qu’ainsi il les priait de n’avoir d’oreilles, d’attention ni de confiance que pour ceux qui les porteraient aux dernières violences contre les Carthaginois, et de regarder comme traîtres et comme ennemis tous ceux qui leur inspireraient des sentiments contraires; que son avis était que l’on fît mourir, dans les plus honteux supplices, Gescon, tous ceux qui avaient été pris, et tous ceux que l’on prendrait dans la suite sur les Carthaginois. Cet Autarite avait dans les conseils un très grand avantage, parce qu’ayant appris par un long commerce avec les soldats, à parler phénicien, la plupart de ces étrangers entendaient ses discours; car la longueur de cette guerre avait rendu le phénicien si commun, que les soldats, pour l’ordinaire, en se saluant, ne se servaient pas d’autre langue. Il fut donc loué tout d’une voix, et il se retira comblé d’éloges. Vinrent ensuite des individus de chaque nation, lesquels, par reconnaissance pour les bienfaits qu’ils avaient reçus de Gescon, demandaient qu’on lui fit grâce au moins des supplices. Comme ils parlaient tous ensemble et chacun en sa langue, on n’entendit rien de ce qu’ils disaient :mais dès qu’on commença à entrevoir qu’ils priaient qu’on épargnât les supplices à Gescon, et que quelqu’un de l’assemblée eut crié, frappe ! frappe !ces malheureux furent assommés à coups de pierres, et emportés par leurs proches comme des gens qui auraient été égorgés par des bêtes féroces. Les soldats de Spendius se jettent ensuite sur ceux de Gescon, qui étaient au nombre d’environ sept cents. On les mène hors des retranchements; on les conduit à la tête du camp, où d’abord on leur coupe les mains en commençant par Gescon , cet homme qu’ils mettaient peu de temps auparavant au dessus de tous les Carthaginois, qu’ils reconnaissaient avoir été leur protecteur, qu’ils avaient pris pour arbitre de leurs différends; et après leur avoir coupé les oreilles, rompu et brisé les jambes, on les jeta tout vifs dans une fosse. Cette nouvelle pénétra de douleur les Carthaginois :ils envoyérent ordre à Amilcar et à Hannon de courir au secours et à la vengeance de ceux qui avaient été si cruellement massacrés. Ils dépèchèrent encore des hérauts d’armes pour demander à ces impies les corps morts. Mais loin de livrer ces corps, ils menacèrent que les premiers députés ou hérauts d’armes qu’on leur enverrait, seraient traités comme l’avait été Gescon. En effet, cette résolution passa ensuite en loi, qui portait que :tout Carthaginois que l’on prendrait, perdrait la vie dans les supplices, et que tout allié des Carthaginois leur serait renvoyé les mains coupées; et cette loi fut toujours observée à la rigueur.
Après cela, n’est-il pas vrai de dire que si le corps humain est sujet à certains maux qui s’irritent quelquefois jusqu’à devenir incurables, l’âme en est encore beaucoup plus susceptible ? Comme dans le corps il se forme des ulcères que les remèdes enveniment et dont les remèdes ne font que hâter les progrès, et qui, d’un autre côté, laissés à eux-mêmes, ne cessent de ronger les parties voisines jusqu’à ce qu’il ne reste plus rien à dévorer :de même, dans l’âme, il s’éléve certaines vapeurs malignes, il s’y glisse certaine corruption, qui porte les hommes à des excès dont on ne voit pas d’exemple parmi les animaux les plus féroces. Leur faites-vous quelque grâce ? les traitez-vous avec douceur ? C’est piège et artifice, c’est ruse pour les tromper. Ils se défient de vous, et vous haïssent d’autant plus, que vous faites plus d’efforts pour les gagner. Si l’on se raidit contre eux, et que l’on oppose violence à violence, il n’est point de crimes, point d’attentats, dont ils ne soient capables de se souiller; ils font gloire de leur audace, et la fureur les transporte jusqu’à leur faire perdre tout sentiment d’humanité. Les moeurs déréglées et la mauvaise éducation ont sans doute grande part à ces horribles désordres; mais bien des choses contribuent encore à produire dans l’homme cette disposition. Ce qui semble y contribuer davantage, ce sont les mauvais traitements et l’avarice des chefs. Nous en avons un triste exemple dans ce qui s’est passé pendant tout le cours de la guerre des étrangers, et dans la conduite des Carthaginois à leur égard.
[18] Amilcar ne sachant plus comment réprimer l’audace effrénée de ses ennemis, se persuada qu’il n’en viendrait à bout, qu’en joignant ensemble les deux armées que les Carthaginois avaient en campagne, et qu’en exterminant entièrement ces rebelles. C’est pourquoi, ayant fait venir Hannon, tous ceux qui s’opposèrent à ses armes furent passés au fil de l’épée, et il fit jeter aux bêtes tous ceux qu’on lui amenait prisonniers. Les affaires des Carthaginois commençaient à prendre un meilleur train, lorsque par un revers de fortune étonnant, elles retombèrent dans le premier état. Les généraux furent à peine réunis, qu’ils se brouillèrent ensemble; et cela alla si loin que non seulement ils perdirent des occasions favorables de battre l’ennemi, mais qu’ils lui donnèrent souvent prise sur eux. Sur la nouvelle de ces dissensions, les magistrats en éloignèrent un, et ne laissèrent que celui que l’armée aurait choisi. Outre cela les convois qui venaient des endroits qu’ils appellent les Emporées, et sur lesquels ils faisaient beaucoup de fond, tant pour les vivres pour que les autres munitions, furent tous submergés par une tempête; outre qu’alors l’île de Sardaigne, dont ils tiraient de grands secours, s’était soustraite à leur domination. Et ce qui fut le plus fâcheux, c’est que les habitans d’Hippone-Zaryte et d’Utique, qui seuls des peuples d’Afrique avaient soutenu cette guerre avec vigueur, qui avaient tenu ferme du temps d’Agathocles et de l’irruption des Romains et n’avaient jamais pris de résolution contraire aux intérêts des Carthaginois, non seulement les abandonnèrent alors et se jetèrent dans le parti des Africains, mais encore conçurent pour ceux-ci autant d’amitié et de confiance que de haine et d’aversion pour les autres. Ils tuèrent et précipitèrent du haut de leurs murailles environ cinq cents hommes qu’on avait envoyés à leur secours; ils firent le même traitement au chef, livrèrent la ville aux Africains, et ne voulurent jamais permettre aux Carthaginois, quelque instance qu’ils leur en fissent, d’enterrer leurs morts.
Mathos et Spendius, après ces événements, portèrent leur ambition jusqu’à vouloir mettre le siège devant Carthage même. Amilcar s’associa alors dans le commandement Annibal, que le sénat avait envoyé à l’armée, après que Hannon en eût été éloigné par les soldats à cause de la mésintelligence qu’il y avait entre les généraux. Il prit encore avec soi Naravase, et accompagné de ces deux capitaines, il bat la campagne pour couper les vivres à Mathos et à Spendius. Dans cette expédition, comme dans bien d’autres , Naravase lui fut d’une extrême utilité. Tel était l’état des affaires par rapport aux armées de dehors.
Les Carthaginois serrés de tous les cpotés, furent obligés d’avoir recours aux villes alliées. Hiéron, qui avait toujours l’oeil au guet pendant cette guerre, leur accordait tout ce qu’ils demandaient de lui. Mais il redoubla de soins dans cette occasion, voyant bien que, pour se maintenir en Sicile et se conserver l’amitié des Romains, il était de son intérêt que les Carthaginois eussent le dessus, de peur que les étrangers prévalant ne trouvassent plus d’obstacles à l’exécution de leurs projets, en quoi l’on doit remarquer sa sagesse et sa prudence; car c’est une maxime qui n’est pas à négliger de ne pas laisser croître une puissance jusqu’au point qu’on ne lui puisse contester les choses même qui nous appartiennent de droit.
Pour les Romains, exacts observateurs du traité qu’ils avaient fait avec les Carthaginis, ils leur donnèrent tous les secours qu’ils pouvaient souhaiter, quoique d’abord ces états eussent eu quelques démêlés ensemble, sur ce que les Carthaginois avaient traité comme ennemis ceux qui passant d’Italie en Afrique portaient des vivres à leurs ennemis, et ils en avaient mis environ cinq cents en prison. Ces hostilités avaient fort déplu aux Romains. Cependant comme les Carthaginois rendirent de bonne grâce ces prisonniers aux députés qu’on leur avait envoyés, ils gagnèrent tellement l’amitié des Romains, que ceux-ci, par reconnaissance, leur remirent tous les prisonniers qu’ils avaient faits sur eux dans la guerre de Sicile, et qui leur étaient restés. Depuis ce temps-là les Romains se portèrent d’eux-mêmes à leur accorder tout ce qu’ils demandaient. Ils permirent à leurs marchands de leur porter les provisions nécessaires, et défendirent d’en porter à leurs ennemis. Quoique les étrangers révoltés en Sardaigne les appelassent dans cette île, ils n’en voulurent rien faire; et ils demeurèrent fidèles au traité, jusqu’à refuser ceux d’Utique pour sujets, quoiqu’ils vinssent d’eux-mêmes se soumettre à leur domination. Tous ces secours mirent les Carthaginois en état de défendre leur ville contre les efforts de Mathos et de Spendius, qui d’ailleurs étaient là aussi assiégés pour le moins qu’assiégeants; car Amilcar les réduisait à une si grande disette de vivres, qu’ils furent obligés de lever le siège.
Peu de temps après, ces deux chefs des rebelles ayant assemblé l’élite des étrangers et des Africains, entre lesquels était Zarxas et le corps qu’il commandait, ce qui faisait en tout cinquante mille hommes, ils résolurent de se remettre en campagne, de serrer l’ennemi partout où il irait, et de l’observer. Ils évitaient les plaines, de peur des éléphants et de la cavalerie de Naravase; mais ils tâchaient de gagner les premiers les lieux montueux et les défilés. Ils ne cédaient aux Carthaginois ni en projets, ni en hardiesse, quoique faute de savoir la guerre ils fussent souvent vaincus. On vit alors d’une manière bien sensible combien une expérience, fondée sur la science de commander, l’emporte sur une aveugle et brutale pratique de la guerre. Amilcar, tantôt attirait une partie de leur armée à l’écart, et comme un habile joueur, l’enfermait de tous côtés et la mettait en pièces; tantôt, faisant semblant d’en vouloir à toute l’armée, il conduisait les uns dans des embuscades qu’ils ne prévoyaient point, et tombait sur les autres, de jour ou de nuit, lorsqu’ils s’y attendaient le moins, et jetait aux bêtes tout ce qu’il faisait sur eux de prisonniers. Un jour enfin que l’on ne pensait point à lui, s’étant venu camper proche des étrangers, dans un lieu fort commode pour lui et fort désavantageux pour eux, il les serra de si près que, n’osant combattre et ne pouvant fuir à cause d’un fossé et d’un retranchement dont il les avait enfermés de tous côtés, ils furent contraints, tant la famine était grande dans leur camp, de se manger les uns les autres, Dieu punissant par un supplice égal l’impie et barbare traitement qu’ils avaient fait à leurs semblables. Quoiqu’ils n’osassent ni donner bataille, parce qu’ils voyaient leur défaite assurée et la punition dont elle ne manquerait pas d’être suivie, ni parler de composition, à cause des crimes qu’ils avaient à se reprocher, ils soutinrent cependant encore quelque temps la disette affreuse où ils étaient, dans l’espérance qu’ils recevraient de Tunis les secours que leurs chefs leur promettaient. Mais enfin n’ayant plus ni prisonniers, ni esclaves à manger, rien n’arrivant de Tunis, et la multitude commençant à menacer les chefs, Autarite, Zarxas et Spendius prirent le parti d’aller se rendre aux ennemis, et de traiter de la paix avec Amilcar. Ils dépêchèrent un héraut pour avoir un sauf-conduit, et étant venus trouver les Carthaginois, Amilcar fit avec eux ce traité :« Que les Carthaginois choisiraient d’entre les ennemis ceux qu’ils jugeraient à propos, au nombre de dix, et renverraient tous les autres, chacun avec son habit ». Ensuite il dit :qu’en vertu du traité il choisissait tous ceux qui étaient présents, et mit ainsi en la puissance des Carthaginois Autarite, Spendius et les autres chefs les plus distingués.
Les Africains, qui ne savaient rien des conditions du traité, ayant appris que leurs chefs étaient retenus, soupçonnèrent de la mauvaise foi, et dans cette pensée coururent aux armes. Ils étaient alors dans un lieu qu’on appelle la Hache, parce que, par sa figure, il ressemble assez à cet instrument, Amilcar les y enveloppa tellement de ses éléphants et de toute l’armée, qu’il ne s’en sauva pas un seul, et ils étaient plus de quarante mille. C’est ainsi qu’il releva une seconde fois les espérances des Carthaginois, qui désespéraient déjà de leur salut. Ils battirent ensuite la campagne, lui, Naravase et Annibal, et les Africains se rendirent d’eux-mêmes.
Maîtres de la plupart des villes, ils vinrent à Tunis assiéger Mathos. Annibal prit son quartier au côté de la ville qui regardait Carthage, et Amilcar le sien au côté opposé. Ensuite, ayant conduit Spendius et les autres prisonniers auprès des murailles, ils les firent attacher à des croix, à la vue de toute la ville. Tant d’heureux succès endormirent la vigilance d’Annibal, et lui firent négliger la garde de son camp. Mathos ne s’en fut pas plutôt aperçu, qu’il tomba sur les retranchements, tua grand nombre de Carthaginois, chassa du camp toute l’armée, s’empara de tous les bagages, et fit Annibal lui-même prisonnier. On mena aussitôt ce général à la croix où Spendius était attaché. Là on lui fit souffrir les supplices les plus cruels, et après avoir détaché Spendius, on le mit à sa place, et on égorgea autour du corps de Spendius trente des principaux Carthaginois, comme si la fortune n’eût suscité cette guerre que pour fournir tour à tour aux deux armées des occasions éclatantes de se venger l’une de l’autre. Amilcar, à cause de la distance qui était entre les deux camps, n’apprit que tard la sortie que Mathos avait faite, et après en avoir été informé, il ne courut pas pour cela au secours; les chemins étaient trop difficiles; mais il leva le camp, et, côtoyant le Macar, il alla se poster à l’embouchure de ce fleuve.
Nouvelle consternation chez les Carthaginois, nouveau désespoir. Ils commençaient à reprendre courage, et les voilà retombés dans les mêmes embarras, qui n’empêchèrent cependant pas qu’ils ne travaillassent à s’en tirer. Pour faire un dernier effort, ils envoyèrent à Amilcar trente sénateurs, le général Hannon, qui avait déjà commandé dans cette guerre, et tout ce qu’il leur restait d’hommes en âge de porter les armes, en recommandant aux sénateurs d’essayer tous les moyens de réconcilier ensemble les deux généraux, de les obliger à agi de concert, et de n’avoir devant les yeux que la situation où se trouvait la république. Après bien des conférences, enfin ils vinrent à bout de réunir ces deux capitaines, qui, dans la suite n’agissant que dans un même esprit firent tout réussir à souhait. Ils engagèrent Mathos dans quantité de petits combats, tantôt en lui dressant des embuscades, tantôt en le poursuivant, soit autour de Lepta, soit autour d’autres villes. Ce chef, se voyant ainsi harcelé, prit enfin la résolution d’en venir àun combat général. Les Carthaginois, de leur côté, ne souhaitant rien avec plus d’ardeur :les deux partis appelèrent à cette bataille tous leurs alliés, et rassemblèrent des places toutes leurs garnisons, comme devant risquer le tout pour le tout. Quand on se fut disposé, on convint du jour et de l’heure et on en vint aux mains. La victoire se tourna du côté des Carthaginois. Il resta sur le champ de bataille grand nombre d’Africains; une partie se sauva dans je ne sais quelle ville, qui se rendit peu de temps après, Mathos fut fait prisonnier; les autres parties de l’Afrique se soumirent aussitôt. Il n’y eut qu’Hippone-Zaryte et Utique qui s’étant, dès le commencement de la guerre, rendues indignes de pardon, refusèrent alors de se soumettre; tant il est avantageux, même dans de pareilles fautes, de ne point passer certaines bornes, et de ne se porter pas à des excès impardonnables ! Mais Hannon ne se fut pas plutôt présenté devant l’une, et Amilcar devant l’autre, qu’elles furent contraintes d’en passer par tout ce qu’ils voulurent. Ainsi finit cette guerre, qui avait fait tant de mal aux Carthaginois, et dont ils se tirèrent si glorieusement, que non seulement ils se remirent en possession de l’Afrique mais châtièrent encore, comme ils méritaient d’être châtiés, les auteurs de la révolte, car cette guerre ne se termina que par les honteux supplices que la jeunesse de la ville fit souffrir à Mathos et à ses troupes le jour du triomphe.
Telle fut la guerre des étrangers contre les Carthaginois, laquelle dura trois ans et quatre mois ou environ; il n’y en a point, au moins que je sache, où l’on ait porté plus loin la barbarie et l’impiété. Comme vers ce temps-là les étrangers de Sardaigne étaient venus d’eux-même offrir cette île aux Romains, ceux-ci conçurent le dessein d’y passer. Les Carthaginois le trouvant fort mauvais, parce que la Sardaigne leur appartenait à plus juste titre, et se disposant à punir ceux qui avaient livré cette île à une autre puissance, c’en fut assez pour déterminer les Romains à déclarer la guerre aux Carthaginois, en prétextant que ce n’était pas contre les peuples de Sardaigne que ceux-ci faisaient des préparatifs, mais contre eux. Les Carthaginois qui étaient sortis comme par miracle de la dernière guerre, et qui n’étaient point du tout en état de se mettre mal avec les Romains, cédèrent au temps, et aimèrent mieux leur abandonner la Sardaigne, et ajouter douze cents talents à la somme qu’ils leur payaient, que de s’engager à soutenir une guerre dans les circonstances où ils étaient. Cette affaire n’eut pas d’autre suite.