The history of Brazil is the main theme of the Human Sciences and Technologies exam.
Interpretive capacity, connections with Geography, Philosophy and Sociology and analysis of diverse sources are the main skills required of the candidate.
We have prepared a selection of 15 questions on the History of Brazil in Enem with commented feedback for you to review and measure your knowledge in this area.
Good study!
Question 1
(Enem/2018) The Portuguese-Brazilian rebellion in Pernambuco began to be hatched in 1644 and exploded on June 13, 1645, Saint Anthony's day. One of João Fernandes' first measures was to declare null and void the debts that the rebels had with the Dutch. There was great support from the “nobility of the land”, excited by this heroic proclamation.
VAINFAS, R. Declared war and feigned peace in the Portuguese restoration. time, no. 27, 2009.
The triggering of this revolt in 17th century Portuguese America was the result of the
a) the warlike weakness of the Batavian Protestants.
b) West African transatlantic trade.
c) financial assistance from Flemish traders.
d) international diplomacy of the Iberian States.
e) economic interest of planters.
Correct alternative:e) economic interest of planters.
Heads up! The answer to this question is already in the text. Note that he mentions the Luso-Brazilians' joy in having their debts with the Dutch forgiven. Therefore, the planters would once again support the Portuguese because of this economic facility.
a) WRONG. The Dutch, also known as the Batavians, were well armed.
b) WRONG. Trade between Africa and Brazil was not interrupted during the Dutch occupation.
c) WRONG. "Flemish" is a synonym for Dutch. In the quoted text it is clear who helped with money were the Portuguese and not the Flemish.
d) WRONG. Portugal had already separated from Spain, so there was no interest in Iberian diplomacy, only Portuguese diplomacy.
Question 2
(Enem/2017) I am the natural son of a black, free African, from Costa da Mina (Nagô de Nação), named Luíza Mahin, pagan, who always refused baptism and Christian doctrine. My mother was short of stature, thin, pretty, the color was a dark black and without luster, her teeth were as white as snow, she was very proud, witty, insufferable. She gave herself to commerce – she was a greengrocer, very industrious and, more than once, in Bahia, she was arrested as a suspect of being involved in slave insurrection plans, which had no effect.
[AZEVEDO, E. “Lá vai verse!”:Luiz Gama and the first burlesque trovas of Getulino.
ln:CHALHOUB, S.; PEREIRA, L. A. M. The story told:chapters on the social history of literature in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro:Nova Fronteira, 1998, adapted.
In this excerpt from his memoirs, Luiz Gama emphasizes the importance of the
a) ties of family solidarity.
b) strategies of cultural resistance.
c) mechanisms of tribal hierarchy.
d) instruments of religious domination.
e) limits on the granting of manumission.
Correct alternative:b) strategies of cultural resistance.
The author mentions the strategies for his mother to preserve her identity as a black woman:she was not baptized, did not accept catechesis and was still targeted by the police for conspiring. All of this was part of the enslaved blacks' strategy to maintain their traditions within a mostly white society.
a) WRONG. The family is not mentioned in this part of Luiz Gama's memoirs.
c) WRONG. No tribe or their hierarchy is mentioned in the quote.
d) WRONG. The refusal of baptism and the fact that Luísa Mahin was pagan could be confusing, but we see that religion is highlighted from Luísa Mahin's point of view and not as "instruments of religious domination".
e) WRONG. Luísa Mahin was free, so she did not need manumission, which, moreover, is not mentioned in the text.
Question 3
(Enem/2016) The regulation of labor relations composes a complex structure, in which each element adjusts to the others. The Labor Court is just one of the pieces of this vast gear. The presence of class representatives in the composition of Labor Justice bodies is also a result of the assembly of this regulation. Normative power also reflects this characteristic. Established by the Constitution of 1934, the Labor Court only flourished in the political environment of the Estado Novo established in 1937.
ROMITA, A. S. Labor Justice:a product of the Estado Novo. In:PANDOLFI, D. (org.). Rethinking the New State. Rio de Janeiro:FGV, 1999.
The creation of the aforementioned state institution in the historical context addressed was aimed at:
a) Legitimize factory protests.
b) Ordering labor disputes.
c) To formalize the plural unions.
d) Ensuring liberal principles.
e) Unify professional salaries
Correct alternative:b) Sort labor disputes
Vargas' labor policy consisted of harmonizing the interests of employers and workers. While he enacted labor laws to secure the support of the population, he favored big business. In this context, the Labor Court was created, which would be the highest body to resolve the infractions committed.
a) WRONG. Labor legislation does not promote the legitimacy of factory protests.
c) WRONG. The Labor Court did not intend to "officialize plural unions" but to regulate the rights of workers and employers.
d) WRONG. Vargas' economic policy was not characterized by being liberal, as it had a strong component of state interventionism.
e) WRONG. The Labor Court had no jurisdiction over salary issues.
Question 4
(Enem/2014)
TEXT l
The president of the country's largest circulation newspaper also highlighted the economic advances made in those twenty years, but, when justifying his adhesion to the military in 1964, he made clear his belief that intervention was essential for the maintenance of democracy.
Available at:http://oglobo.globo.com. Access on:1 Sep. 2013 (adapted).
TEXT II
Nothing can be compensated for the loss of individual freedoms. There's nothing good about accepting an authoritarian solution.
FICO, C. Education and the 1964 coup. Available at:www.brasilrecente.com. Accessed on:4 Apr. 2014 (adapted).
Although they emphasize the defense of democracy, the views of the political-military movement of 1964 diverge by focusing, respectively:
a) Reasons of State – Popular sovereignty.
b) Ordination of the Nation – Religious prerogatives.
c) Imposition of the Armed Forces – Social Duties.
d) Standardization of the Judiciary – Moral rules.
e) Challenge of the government system – Cultural traditions.
Correct alternative:a) Reasons of State – Popular sovereignty.
A question where one should use historical knowledge and text interpretation.
The first passage argues that the 1964 coup was necessary, as it allowed the State to control society and benefit it economically. For its part, the second text rejects an authoritarian solution and favors the popular will. Thus, option "a" is the one that contemplates these two aspects.
b) WRONG:Religion is not even mentioned in the passage.
c) WRONG. The intervention of the Armed Forces appears in text I, but not the social duties.
d) WRONG. Neither Justice nor moral rules are mentioned in the texts.
e) WRONG. Neither opposition to the government nor cultural traditions figure in the texts.
Question 5
(Enem/2014) The transfer of the court brought to Portuguese America the royal family and the government of the Metropolis. It also brought, and above all, a good part of the Portuguese administrative apparatus. Diverse personalities and royal officials continued to travel to Brazil after the court, their jobs and their relatives after 1808.
NOVAIS, F. A.; ALENCASTRO, L.F. (Org.). History of private life in Brazil. Sao Paulo:Co. of Letters, 1997.
The facts presented relate to the process of independence of Portuguese America because they have
a) encouraged the popular clamor for freedom.
b) weakened the pact of metropolitan domination.
c) motivated the slave revolts against the colonial elite.
d) obtained the support of the Portuguese constitutionalist group.
e) provoked separatist movements in the provinces.
Correct alternative:b) weakened the pact of metropolitan domination.
The arrival of the metropolitan administration to Portuguese America made the colonial elite feel that it was possible to administer the State and exempt the Portuguese from the government. He also cooperated in the legal equality of Brazil with Portugal in 1815.
a) WRONG. The transfer of the Court, by itself, did not influence the search for freedom in relation to Portugal.
c) WRONG. There were no slave revolts provoked by the transfer of the Court.
d) WRONG. The Portuguese constitutionalist group did not support Brazil's independence.
e) WRONG. This fact did not provoke the separatist movements in the provinces.
See also :The arrival of the Royal Family to Brazil
Question 6
(Enem/2014) The central problem to be solved by the New Regime was the organization of another power pact that could replace the imperial arrangement with a sufficient degree of stability. President Campos Sales himself clearly summarized his objective:“It is from there, from the states, that the Republic is governed, above the crowds that riot in the streets of the capital of the Union. State policy is national policy.”
(CARVALHO, J. M. The Bestialized:Rio de Janeiro and the Republic that Wasn't. São Paulo:Companhia das Letras, 1987 (adapted).)
In this quote, the president of Brazil at the time expresses a political strategy in the sense of
a) govern with popular support.
b) attract the support of regional oligarchies.
c) granting greater autonomy to municipalities.
d) democratize the power of the central government.
e) expand the influence of the capital on the national scene.
Correct alternative:b) attract the support of regional oligarchies.
The issue clearly portrays the power that the states, and not the central government, had in Brazil. In this way, President Campo Sales states that he needs the support of the governors to be able to govern Brazil, in the phenomenon known as "governors' policy".
a) WRONG. The discourse is addressed to state elites and not to the people.
c) WRONG. This attitude was the opposite of what was happening and there was no concession of power to the municipalities.
d) WRONG. There was no democratization of central power, as it was divided by state elites.
e) WRONG. There was also no expansion of the capital on the national scene.
Question 7
(Enem/2017) Getúlio freed the people, and that's 8 hours of work and that's it. I didn't have to work day and night anymore. Getúlio made the laws. Princess Isabel signed the release, but the one who freed us from the yoke of slavery, the whip, the trunk, was Getúlio, Getúlio Dornelles Vargas. Dad used to say:“My son. There has never been a government like this in the world, my son.” Report by Cornélio Cancino, 82 years old, descendant of former slaves, Juiz de Fora (MG), May 9, 1995.
In:MATTOS, H.; RIOS, A.L. (org.). Memories of captivity:family, work and citizenship in the post-Abolition period. Rio de Janeiro:Brazilian Civilization, 2005 (adapted).
The construction of memory presented in the text refers to the following aspect of the aforementioned political experience:
a) Enhancement of patriotic sentiment, linked to the consolidation of democracy.
b) Strengthening of the official ideology, limited to the dimension of the school.
c) Legitimation of party coalitions, linked to the use of radio.
d) Establishment of social rights, associated with State propaganda.
e) Development of public services, under the direction of the colonels.
Correct alternative:d) Establishment of social rights, associated with State propaganda.
An issue that requires the candidate not only historical knowledge, but also interpretive capacity. The enactment of labor laws, under the Getúlio Vargas government, would forever enter Brazil's historical imagination and erase negative aspects such as the lack of elections and censorship.
a) WRONG. The passage does not mention patriotic sentiment and there was no consolidation of democracy in this period.
b) WRONG. Despite the reinforcement of the official ideology in the Vargas period, there is no mention of the school in the deponent's speech.
c) WRONG:There were no political parties during the Estado Novo.
e) WRONG. Coronelismo was partially dismantled by Getúlio Vargas during his government.
Question 8
(Enem/2017) An area of about 101,700 square meters, with a rail yard and a series of sugar warehouses abandoned by the government. Those who look from the outside see only that, but those who know the history of Cais José Estelita know that the place is part of the history of Recife, being one of the postcards and one of the few public spaces left in the capital of Pernambuco.
And that's why a group is fighting to prevent the buildings from being demolished by a consortium of large construction companies for the construction of commercial and residential buildings.
BUENO, C. Ocupe Estelita:social and cultural movement defends historic landmark in Recife. Science and Culture, no. 4, 2014.
The way of action of the social movement reported evidences its search for the
a) economic revitalization of the place.
b) expansion of consumption power.
c) preservation of material heritage.
d) intensification of job creation.
e) creation of spaces for self-segregation.
Correct alternative:c) preservation of material heritage.
The expansion of cities brings with it the destruction of old buildings that tell their story. In this way, the group comes together to prevent part of this landmark from disappearing due to real estate speculation.
a) WRONG. The group's intentions are against the economic revitalization of the area as proposed by the construction companies.
b) WRONG. The objective is not to increase consumption, but to preserve the city's history.
d) WRONG. There is no proposal to increase employment in the quoted passage.
e) WRONG. The group's purpose is to create a democratic space through the preservation of history and not self-segregation.
Question 9
(Enem/2017) After returning from a trip to Minas Gerais, where Pedro I was received with great coldness, his supporters prepared a series of demonstrations in favor of the emperor in Rio de Janeiro, setting fires and lamps in the city. However, on the night of March 11, the conflicts that became known as the Noite das Garrafadas began, during which the “Brazilians” put out the “Portuguese” bonfires and attacked the illuminated houses, being answered with shards of bottles thrown from the windows. .
VAINFAS, R. (Org.). Dictionary of Imperial Brazil. Rio de Janeiro:Objetiva, 2008 (adapted).
The final years of the First Reign (1822-1831) were characterized by an increase in political tension. In this sense, the analysis of the episodes described in Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro reveals
a) incentives to racism.
b) support for xenophobia.
c) criticism of federalism.
d) repudiation of republicanism.
e) questions of authoritarianism.
Correct alternative:e) questioning authoritarianism.
With the centralization of power in Dom Pedro I and the dynastic crisis for the Portuguese throne, Brazilians began to question the monarch's increasingly centralizing actions, expressing their discontent with violence.
Thus, they received Dom Pedro I coldly in Minas Gerais and attacked the Portuguese in Rio de Janeiro.
i) WRONG. The text makes no mention of racism, as the struggles were more ideologically motivated.
b) WRONG:Xenophobia means hatred of foreigners and this is not the case in the text. Note that the word Portuguese is in quotation marks, indicating that it is more a political category than a nationality.
c) WRONG. Federalism was a political current that was not defended by Dom Pedro I, so it cannot be this alternative.
d) WRONG. The republican option was not criticized, because at the time it practically did not exist,
Question 10
(Enem/2012) Faced with these inconsistencies and others that still concern public opinion, we journalists are forwarding this document to the Union of Professional Journalists in the State of São Paulo, so that it can be handed over to Justice; and Justice, we expect further investigations to be carried out capable of leading to the complete elucidation of these facts and others that may be raised.
In the name of truth. In:O Estado de São Paulo, 3 Feb. 1976. Apud. FILHO, I. A. Brazil, 500 years in documents. Rio de Janeiro:Mauad, 1999.
The death of journalist Vladimir Herzog, which occurred during the military regime, in 1975, led to measures such as the petition made by professionals in the São Paulo press. The analysis of this measure taken indicates the
a) certainty of compliance with the laws.
b) overcoming the government of exception.
c) violence by left-wing terrorists.
d) punishment of police torturers.
e) expectation of the investigation of the culprits.
Correct alternative:e) expectation of the investigation of the culprits.
One more question where you don't need historical knowledge to answer it, but the ability to interpret the text. Here, journalists hope that Justice - even limited by the military dictatorship - knows how to fulfill its role and investigate the death of Herzog.
a) WRONG. "Certainty" in this text would be exaggerated, as journalists hope that justice will be done.
b) WRONG. Journalists do not talk about politics in the above excerpt.
c) WRONG. Herzog was not murdered by left-wing terrorists.
d) WRONG. The "punishment of police torturers" is not mentioned, as the text is a request for the case to be investigated by the Justice.
Question 11
(Enem/2010) This measure, enacted by Prince D. João de Bragança, practically eliminated the exclusive metropolitan over trade in the Colony, dealing a mortal blow to the Portuguese Colonial Pact, in addition to constituting the first great step towards the effective independence of Brazil. . This is:
a) Opening of Brazilian Ports to Friendly Nations.
b) Scream of the Ipiranga.
c) Industrial Freedom Permit.
d) Elevation of Brazil to the category of United Kingdom to Portugal and Algarves.
e) Foundation of Banco do Brasil.
Correct alternative:a) Opening of Brazilian Ports to Friendly Nations.
The Opening of the Ports, in 1808, meant the end of the commercial monopoly between Brazil and Portugal and, therefore, the end of the Colonial Pact.
b) WRONG:The Grito do Ipiranga is an episode related to the Independence of Brazil.
c) WRONG. The Industrial Freedom Permit is not directly related to trade between nations, but to an internal determination.
d) WRONG. The elevation of Brazil to the United Kingdom was a consequence of the end of the colonial pact, that is, the opening of ports to friendly nations.
e) WRONG. The creation of Banco do Brasil is also a consequence and not the cause of the end of the colonial pact in a territory that can already be considered autonomous.
Question 12
(Enem/2012) According to a recent study in Bahia, between 1680 and 1797, of 160 daughters born to 53 prominent families, more than 77% were sent to convents, 5% remained single and only 14 were married. Considering that, in the colonial period, even among free people, the male population was larger than the female population, these data suggest that...
a) the planters did not allow their daughters to marry people of lower social and economic status.
b) among rich women, religious devotion was more intense and fervent than among poor women.
c) white men preferred to maintain their sexual freedom rather than submit to the despotism of the sugar plantation owners.
d) life in the colony was so unbearable for women that they preferred to wear the habit of nuns in the Metropolis.
e) colonial society was guided by moral standards that privileged sex and beauty rather than status and wealth.
Correct alternative:a) the planters did not let their daughters marry people of lower social and economic status.
Colonial society was very stratified and in order for it to remain that way, the planters would rather have their daughters go to a convent than marry someone from another social level.
b) WRONG. At this time, entry to the convent could be more by social convention than religious devotion.
c) WRONG. Regardless of marrying or not, white men maintained their sexual freedom and, therefore, marriage would not be an impediment to it.
d) WRONG. The roles reserved for white women in colonial society were few. If they did not marry, the only way to maintain their social status was to enter religious life.
e) WRONG. Colonial society privileged status and wealth.
Question 13
(Enem/2006) Modern Brazilian democracy was built between leaps and bounds. In 1954, the crisis culminated in the suicide of President Vargas. The following year, another crisis almost prevented the inauguration of the elected president, Juscelino Kubitschek. In 1961, Brazil almost reached civil war after the unexpected resignation of President Jânio Quadros. Three years later, a military coup deposed President João Goulart, and the country lived for twenty years under an authoritarian regime.
From this information, related to Brazilian republican history, mark the correct option:
a) At the end of the João Goulart government, Juscelino Kubitschek was elected president of the Republic.
b) The resignation of Jânio Quadros represented the first major crisis of the Brazilian republican regime.
c) After two decades of military governments, Getúlio Vargas was elected president in direct elections.
d) The tragic death of Vargas determined the end of João Goulart's political career.
e) In the aforementioned republican period, successively, one president died, one had his inauguration contested, one resigned and another was deposed.
Correct alternative:e) In the aforementioned republican period, successively, a president died, one had his inauguration contested, one resigned and another was deposed.
The answer is already in the wording of the question. In 1954, Getúlio Vargas committed suicide, JK had to face a rebellion before taking office, Jânio Quadros resigned and Jango was deposed by the military.
a) WRONG. Jango did not finish his term because there was a military coup in 1964.
b) WRONG. The first major crisis of the Republic occurred in the second year of the regime when Deodoro had a disagreement with the Chamber of Deputies.
c) WRONG. Vargas was not elected after two military governments, but after the mandate of Eurico Gaspar Dutra.
d) WRONG. On the contrary, because Vargas' death marks the political rise of Goulart.
Question 14
(ENEM-2004) Constitution of 1824:“Art. 98. The Moderating Power is the key to all political organization, and it is privately delegated to the Emperor (...) so that he incessantly watches over the maintenance of Independence, balance, and harmony of the other political powers (...) by dissolving the Chamber of Deputies. Deputies in cases where the salvation of the State requires it.”
Frei Caneca:“The Moderating Power of the new Machiavellian invention is the master key to the oppression of the Brazilian nation and the strongest garrote of the peoples' freedom. Through it, the emperor can dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, which is the representative of the people, while the Senate, which is the representative of the emperor's associates, always enjoys its rights. (Vote on the oath of the draft Constitution)
For Frei Caneca, the Moderating Power defined by the Constitution granted by the Emperor in 1824 was
a) suitable for the functioning of a constitutional monarchy, since the senators were chosen by the Emperor.
b) effective and responsible for the freedom of peoples, because it guaranteed the representation of society in both spheres of legislative power.
c) arbitrary, because it allowed the Emperor to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, the representative power of society.
d) neutral and weak, especially in times of crisis, as it was unable to control the deputies representing the Nation.
e) capable of responding to the political demands of the nation, as it supplied the deficiencies of political representation.
Correct alternative:c) arbitrary, because it allowed the Emperor to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, the representative power of society.
The Moderating Power caused criticism because it was an instrument that could be used exclusively by the Emperor, albeit in exceptional cases. That's why he was seen as authoritarian by people like Frei Caneca.
a) WRONG. First, senators were indirectly elected by each of the provinces, and then a list of three names was sent to the emperor. Only then were they chosen by the same.
b) WRONG. This thought was that of the Emperor who really saw the Moderating Power as something advantageous for Brazil. However, people with Frei Caneca, thought that this was proof of the authoritarianism of Dom Pedro I.
d) WRONG. The Moderating Power was an instrument to be used in moments of political crisis.
e) WRONG. Frei Caneca did not think that the Moderating Power was used for the benefit of the nation, as expressed in his declaration.
See also:First Reign
Question 15
(Enem/2000) The text below was extracted from a chronicle by Machado de Assis and refers to the work of a slave. “One day the Paraguayan war began and lasted five years, João chimed and doubled, doubled and chimed for the dead and for the victories. When the free womb of the slaves was decreed, João was the one who touted. When the complete abolition was carried out, it was João who peaked. One day the Republic was proclaimed. John chimed for her, would chime for the Empire, if the Empire returned.” (MACHADO, Assis de. Chronicle on the death of the slave João, 1897)
Reading the text allows us to say that the bell ringer João:
a) because he was a slave, he rang the bells, secretly, when events related to Abolition occurred.
b) he could not ring the bells for the return of the Empire, as he was a slave.
c) he rang the bells for the Republic, proclaimed by the abolitionists who came to free him.
d) he rang the bells when important events occurred because it was customary to do so.
e) he rang the bells for the return of the Empire, celebrating the return of Princess Isabel.
Correct alternative:d) rang the bells when important events occurred because it was customary to do so.
a) WRONG. The slave João rang the bell on several occasions, not only to the facts related to Abolition.
b) WRONG. The Empire didn't return, so he couldn't ring the bell.
c) WRONG. Just as João played for the Paraguayan war, he would also play for the Republic, which was an important fact.
e) WRONG. Princess Isabel never returned to Brazil as she died in exile.
Continue to ask more questions and check out some texts about Enem :
- Enem History
- Enem Questions
- Simulated Enem (questions commented by experts)
- History Questions in Enem
- Questions about social movements
- Questions about the First World War
- Questions about the Industrial Revolution
- Globalization Issues
- Questions about the Second World War