The Helvetians. Ambitious plans of Orgetorix. His death
Orgetorix was, among the Helvetians, the first by birth and wealth. Under the consulate of M. Messala and M. Pison, this man, driven by ambition, conspired with the nobility and urged the inhabitants to leave the country with all their might; he told them that, winning by courage over all the peoples of Gaul, they would easily submit it entirely to their empire. He had all the less difficulty in persuading them as the Helvetii are on all sides confined by the nature of the place; on one side by the Rhine, a very wide and very deep river, which separates their territory from Germania, on the other by the Jura, a high mountain which rises between Sequania and Helvetia; on a third side, by Lake Geneva and the Rhône which separates the latter from our Province. It resulted from this position that they could neither extend far, nor easily bring war to their neighbours; and it was a cause of great affliction to warlike men. Their numerous population, and the glory which they acquired in war by their courage, made them regard as narrow limits which were two hundred and forty miles long by one hundred and eighty miles wide.
Driven by these motives and drawn by the ascendancy of Orgetorix, they begin to arrange everything for the departure, gather a large number of beasts of burden and wagons, sow all their lands, in order to ensure food in their march. and renew with their neighbors the treaties of peace and alliance. They thought that two years would suffice them for these preparations; and a law fixed the departure at the third year. Orgetorix is chosen to preside over the company. Sent as a deputy to the neighboring cities, on his way, he hired the Séquanais Casticos, son of Catamantaloédis, and whose father had long reigned in Séquanie and had received from the Roman people the title of friend, to take over from his fellow citizens. supreme authority, previously exercised by his father. He inspires the same design in the Héduen Dumnorix, brother of Diviciacos, who then held the first rank in the city and was much loved by the people; he gives her his daughter in marriage. (6) He demonstrates to them the ease of success in their endeavors; before himself seizing power among the Helvetians, and this people being the most considerable of all Gaul, he will help them with his forces and his army to assure them of sovereign authority. (8) Persuaded by these speeches, they bind themselves under the faith of the oath. :they hoped that once masters of power, by means of this league of the three most powerful and bravest peoples, they would subjugate the whole of Gaul.
This project was denounced to the Helvetians; and, according to their custom, Orgetorix was put in irons to answer the accusation. The torture of the condemned was to be that of fire. (2) On the day fixed for the trial, Orgetorix brought before the tribunal all those who were attached to him, to the number of ten thousand men; he also assembled there all his clients and debtors, the crowds of which were large:seconded by them, he was able to avoid trial. The citizens, indignant at this conduct, wished to maintain their right by arms, and the magistrates gathered together the population of the countryside, when Orgetorix died. There is reason to think, according to the opinion of the Helvetians, that he killed himself.
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Preparations for Swiss emigration
This event did not dampen the ardor of the Helvetians for the execution of their invasion project. When they believe themselves sufficiently prepared, they set fire to all their towns to the number of twelve, their towns to the number of four hundred and all the private dwellings; they burn all the wheat they cannot carry away, so that, not retaining any hope of return, they offer themselves more boldly to perils. Everyone is ordered to provide themselves with food for three months. They persuade the Rauraques, the Tulinges and the Latobices, their neighbors, to deliver their towns and villages to the flames, and to leave with them. They associate with their project and join the Boii who had settled beyond the Rhine, in Noricum, after taking Noréia.
There were absolutely only two roads by which they could leave their country:one by Séquanie, narrow and difficult, between the Jura and the Rhone, where a cart could hardly pass; it was overlooked by a high mountain, and a small force sufficed to defend its entrance; the other, through our Province, easier and shorter, in that the Rhone, which separates the lands of the Helvetians from those of the newly subjugated Allobroges, is fordable in several places, and that the last town of the Allobroges. Geneva is the closest to Helvetia, with which it communicates by a bridge. They believed that they would easily persuade the Allobroges, who did not yet seem very firmly attached to the Roman people, to allow them to cross their territory, or that they would force them to do so. Everything being ready for departure, they fix the day when we must meet on the bank of the Rhône. This day was the 5 before the Calends of April, under the consulate of L. Pison and A. Gabinius.
Caesar is about to block their way
Caesar, learning that they are preparing to pass through our Province, immediately leaves Rome, travels long into later Gaul and arrives in Geneva. He orders to raise in all the province the most soldiers that it can provide (there was only one legion in later Gaul), and makes break the bridge of Geneva. The Helvetians, warned of his arrival, deputed to him the noblest of their city, at the head of which were Namméios and Verucloétios, to say that they intended to cross the province, without committing the slightest damage, not to there being no other way for them, let them beg him to give his consent. Caesar, remembering that the Helvetians had killed the consul L. Cassius and repulsed his army which they had brought under the yoke, did not think he should grant them this request. He did not think that men full of enmity could, if they obtained permission to pass through the province, abstain from violence and disorder. However, to leave to the troops he had. ordered the time to meet, he replied to the deputies that he would think about it, and that, if they wanted to know his resolution, they would have to return to the Ides of April.
In this interval, Caesar, with the legion he had with him and the troops arriving from the Province, raised, from Lake Geneva, which the Rhone crosses, to Mount Jura, which separates Sequania from Helvetia , a rampart nineteen thousand paces long and sixteen feet high:a ditch was joined to it. This work completed, he established posts, fortified positions, to more easily repel the Helvetii, if they wanted to pass against his will. As soon as the day which he had assigned to their deputies arrived, they returned to him. He told them that the usages and example of the Roman people forbade him to grant passage through the Province, and that if they tried to force him, he would oppose it. The Helvetians, disappointed in this hope, try to cross the Rhone, some on boats joined together and on rafts made for this purpose, others by fording, at the place where the river has the least depth, sometimes the day, more often at night. Stopped by the ramparts, by the number and by the arms of our soldiers, they give up this attempt.
They cross the country of the Séquanes. Measures of Caesar
They still had a path through Séquanie, but so narrow that they could not cross it despite the inhabitants. Not hoping to obtain permission themselves, they send deputies to the Héduen Dumnorix, to beg him to ask the Séquanes for it. Dumnorix, powerful among them by his credit and his generosity, was moreover the friend of the Helvetii, because of his marriage with the daughter of their fellow-citizen Orgétorix. Excited, moreover, by the desire to reign, he loved innovations, and wished to bind a large number of cities to himself by services. He therefore consented to what was asked of him, and obtained from the Sequanes that the Helvetii would cross their territory:they gave each other hostages; the Séquanes pledged not to oppose the passage of the Helvetii, and the latter to carry it out without violence or damage.
Caesar is told that the Helvetians plan to cross the lands of the Sequani and the Aedui, to head towards those of the Santons, not far from Toulouse, a city located in the Roman province. He understood that, if that happened, this province would be exposed to great danger, having for neighbors, in a fertile and open country, warlike men, enemies of the Roman people. He therefore entrusted his lieutenant T. Labienus with guarding the entrenchment he had erected. For him, he goes to Italy in long days, raises two legions there, takes three of them from their winter quarters, in the vicinity of Aquileia, and takes the shortest route through the Alps to later Gaul, at the head of these five legions. There, the Ceutrons, the Graïocèles and the Caturiges, who had seized the heights, want to stop the march of his army. He pushes them back in several battles, and goes, in seven days, from Océlum, the last place of the Hither province, to the territory of the Voconces, in the later province; from there he led his troops into the country of the Allobroges, then to the Ségusiaves. They are the first people outside the province, beyond the Rhône.
Already the Helvetians had crossed the defiles and the country of the Sequani; and, having arrived in that of the Aedui, they ravaged the lands. The latter, too weak to defend their persons and their property against them, deputed to Caesar, to ask him for help:of our army, devastate their fields, take their children into servitude, take their cities. At the same time, the Ambarres, friends and allies of the Aedui, also inform Caesar that their territory is ravaged and that they can hardly guarantee their cities from the fury of their enemies. Finally the Allobroges, who had towns and lands beyond the Rhone, come to take refuge with him, and declare to him that nothing remains to them but the soil of their fields. Caesar, determined by this competition of complaints, thought he should not wait until all the countries of the allies were ruined, and the Helvetians had arrived even in that of the Santons.
The Helvetians cross the Saône. Defeat of the Tigurins
The Saône is a river whose course, between the lands of the Héduens and those of the Séquanes and up to the Rhône, is so peaceful that the eye cannot distinguish its direction. The Helvetians crossed it on rafts and boats joined together. Caesar, warned by his scouts that three quarters of the Helvetian army had already crossed the Saône, and that the rest was on the other bank, set out from his camp on the third watch, with three legions, and reached those who had not yet made their passage. He surprises them in disorder, attacks them unexpectedly and kills a large number of them. The others flee, and hide in the nearby forests. They belonged to the canton of the Tigurins; because the entire territory of Helvetia is divided into four cantons. It was those of this canton who, in an excursion in the time of our fathers, had killed the consul L. Cassius and brought his army under the yoke. Thus, either by chance or by the will of the immortal gods, this part of the citizens of Helvetia, which had caused the Roman people to experience such a great loss, was the first to bear the penalty. Caesar also found in this public vengeance the occasion for a personal vengeance; for the ancestor of his father-in-law, L. Pison, lieutenant of Cassius, had been killed with him by the Tigurins, in the same battle.
Divico Embassy
(1) After this fight, Caesar, in order to pursue the rest of the Helvetians, had a bridge thrown over the Saône and crossed it with his army. The latter, terrified at his sudden arrival, and seeing that a single day had sufficed him for this passage which they had had great difficulty in accomplishing in twenty days, sent deputies to him; at the head of this deputation was Divico, who commanded the Helvetii to the defeat of Cassius. He told Caesar that "if the Roman people made peace with them, they would go and establish themselves in the places which their will had assigned to them; but that, if they persisted in making war against them, they would have to to remember the past defeat of the Roman army and the ancient valor of the Helvetians; that for having thrown themselves unexpectedly on a single canton, when their companions, who had crossed the river, could not come to their aid, he should in no way attribute this advantage to his courage, nor conceive of contempt for them; that they had learned from their fathers and their ancestors to trust in their valor rather than in cunning and than to have recourse to ambushes. let him therefore take care that this place where they were, marked by the disaster of the Romans and the destruction of their army, did not take its name from it and transmit the memory of it to posterity."
To this speech Caesar replied "that he was far from having forgotten the things that the Helvetian deputies reminded him of, and that his resentment was all the more keen because the Romans had less deserved their misfortune; (2) that if they could have suspected some insult, it was easy for them to be on their guard, but they had been surprised because, having done nothing that should inspire fear in them, they could not conceive of it without reason. Even if Caesar would like to forget this ancient insult, could he also erase from his memory those that were recent; the efforts they had made to cross the Roman province in spite of himself, and their ravages among the Aedui, among the Ambarres, among the Allobroges?” The insolent vanity they derived from their victory, and their astonishment at seeing their outrages so long unpunished, showed him that the immortal gods, in order to render, by a sudden reverse, a more terrible punishment,even those they want to punish with passing success and longer impunity. Be that as it may, if they hand over hostages to him as guarantors of their promises, and if they give the Aedui, their allies and the Allobroges satisfaction for the wrong they have done them, he agrees to conclude with peace with them." Divico replied, "that they inherited from their fathers the custom of receiving hostages, and of giving none; that the Roman people must have known."
Caesar follows the Helvetii. Rearguard battles
After this answer, he withdrew. The next day, they broke camp; Caesar does the same, and sends forward all his cavalry, to the number of four thousand men, whom he had raised from the entire province, among the Aedui and their allies. She had to observe the direction the enemies would take. This cavalry, having pursued their rear guard with too much ardor, came to blows with the Helvetian cavalry in a disadvantageous place and suffered some loss. The Helvetii, proud to have repulsed so many horsemen in this encounter with five hundred horses, waited for us more boldly, and sometimes disturbed us with their rearguard. (4) Caesar held back the ardor of his soldiers, and contented himself for the moment with opposing the plunder, pillage and devastation of the enemy. We traveled thus for fifteen days, without the rear guard of the Helvetians being separated from our vanguard by more than five or six thousand paces.
Bad will of the Aedui. Diviciacos and Liscos denounce Dumnotrix
However, Caesar daily pressed the Aedui to deliver to him the corn they had promised him; for the cold climate of Gaul, situated to the north, as has been said previously, caused not only that the harvest had not arrived, in the countryside, at its maturity, but that the fodder itself was insufficient there; as for the wheat which he had had loaded on the Saône, it could be of even less use to him, as the Helvetii had moved away from that river, and he did not wish to lose sight of them. The Aedui differed from day to day, saying that they were gathering him, that they were transporting him, that he had arrived. Seeing that these various speeches were prolonged too long, and approaching the day when it was necessary to distribute the provisions to the soldiers, Caesar summoned the principal Aedui, who were in great number in the camp, among others Diviciacos and Liscos. The latter occupied the supreme magistracy that the Aedui call vergobret, annual functions and which confer the right of life and death. Caesar complained earnestly to them that, being unable to buy provisions or take them in the countryside, he found, in such pressing need and almost in the presence of the enemy, no help in allies; the abandonment where they left him was all the more culpable, as it was largely at their prayer that he had undertaken the war.
Finally Liscos, moved by the words of Caesar, declares what he had kept silent until then:"that there were some men in the greatest credit with the people and whose private influence prevailed over that of the magistrates that by means of seditious and perverse speeches, they diverted the multitude from supplying the corn which had been engaged to deliver, saying that if they could not obtain supremacy over Gaul, they should at least prefer domination of the Gauls to that of the Romans; that we had to be certain that the latter, once victorious over the Helvetii, would strip the Aedui and the other peoples of Gaul of their freedom; that these same men informed the enemy of our projects and of all that was going on in the camp; that he had no power to repress them; (6) that he well knew the peril to which the declaration which necessity had compelled him to make to Caesar exposed him , and that such had been the cause of his long silence."
Caesar felt that this speech meant Dumnorix, brother of Diviciacos; but, not wishing to deal with this affair in the presence of a large number of witnesses, he hastily breaks off the meeting, and retains only Liscos. (2) Left alone with him, he urges him to repeat what he had said in the council. Liscos speaks with more freedom and boldness. Other secret information proves the truth of his. "Dumnorix, a man full of audacity, had acquired by his largesse a great influence over the people, and was eager for change. He had, for several years, obtained at a low price the collection of tolls and other taxes from the Aedui, because no one had dared to bid on him. His fortune, still increased in this way, gave him the means to lavish his liberalities. He was seen surrounded by a numerous cavalry, maintained at his own expense. His credit was not restricted to his city, but extended as far as neighboring peoples; it was with this view that he had made his mother marry one of the noblest and most powerful personages among the Bituriges, whom he himself had taken a wife among the Helvetii, and that he had married his sister and relatives in other cities. His marriage made him the partisan and friend of the Helvetii; besides, he personally hated Caesar and the Romans, whose arrival had weakened his power and returned to his brother Diviciacos s one ancient authority and its honors. If the Romans experienced some check, he hoped, with the help of the Helvetians, to achieve sovereign power; under their empire, he lost a throne and even his current credit." The information taken by Caesar also taught him that in the cavalry combat fought a few days before, the example of flight had been given by Dumnorix and his cavalry , for it was he who commanded that which the Aedui had sent to aid Caesar:this flight had frightened the rest.
Besides these reports, the most certain indications confirmed Caesar's suspicions:it was Dumnorix who had led the Helvetii through the territory of the Sequani, who had induced them to give each other hostages; he had done everything not only without the order of Caesar and the Aedui, but also without their knowledge; he was accused by the magistrate of his nation. Caesar thought he had enough motives, either to sever himself against Dumnorix, or to demand that his fellow citizens punish him. his unfailing fidelity, his justice, his moderation; and he feared to alienate his mind by his brother's torment. Also, before undertaking anything, he had Diviciacos called, and, dismissing the usual interpreters, it was through the organ of C. Valérius Troucillus, the first personage of the Roman province, his friend and his most intimate confidant, that he converses with him:at the same time he reminds him of what was said of Dumnorix in his presence in the assembly of the Gauls; he teaches him what each one has informed him of in particular; he engages him and exhorts him not to be offended if he himself, after having heard him, decides his fate, or if he orders his fellow citizens to instruct his trial.
Diviciacos, all in tears, embraces Caesar and begs him not to take any severe resolution against his brother:(2) he agrees with the truth of these accusations, and no one is more distressed than he; he had himself, by his credit among his fellow citizens and in the rest of Gaul, contributed to the elevation of a brother who had none because of his youth; and the latter had since used his influence and his superiority, not only to weaken his power, but also to try to lose it. However, brotherly love and public opinion held him back. (4) If Caesar caused some severe punishment to fall on his brother, everyone, knowing the friendship which unites them, would regard him as the author, and this persuasion would alienate the hearts of all the Gauls from him. (5) His words were interspersed with sobs; Caesar takes him by the hand, reassures him, begs him to put an end to his demands, and tells him that he cares enough about him to sacrifice to his desires and his prayers the insults of the republic and his own resentment. He summons Dumnorix in the presence of his brother, exposes to him the grievances he has against him, declares to him his personal suspicions and the complaints of his fellow citizens; he urges him to avoid making himself suspect in the future and tells him that he is willing to forget the past in consideration of his brother Diviciacos. He has him watched by guards, to be informed of his actions and his speeches.
Caesar and Labienus' combined attack plan. It fails
The same day, Caesar learning from his scouts that the enemy had pitched his camp at the foot of a mountain, eight thousand paces from his own, sent to reconnoitre the nature of this mountain and the circuits by which it could be climbed. He was told that the access was easy. (2) On the third watch, he orders T. Labienus, his lieutenant, to leave with two legions and the same guides who had reconnoitred the road, and to occupy the height, and he tells him of his plan. For him, on the fourth watch, he marches to the enemies by the same path they had taken, and sends all the cavalry forward. P. Considius, who was considered to be very experienced in the military art, and had served in the army of L. Sylla, and then in that of M. Crassus, is detached at the head of the scouts.
At daybreak, T. Labienus occupied the summit of the mountain, and Caesar was only fifteen hundred paces from the camp of the enemies, without their having, as we have since learned by prisoners, knowledge of his arrival nor that of Labienus; when Considius runs at full speed; he announces that the mountain which Labienus had orders to seize is in the power of the enemy, that he has recognized the Gallic arms and ensigns. Caesar withdraws with his troops to the nearest hill, and draws them up in line. Labienus, who was ordered not to engage in combat before seeing Caesar's army near the enemy's camp, so that the attack would take place at all points at the same time, remained on the height of which he was master, waiting for our troops, and without taking action. (4) It was finally quite day when Caesar learned from his scouts that Labienus occupied the mountain, and that the Helvetii had broken camp; Considius, disturbed by fear, had declared that he had seen what he had not been able to see. (5) That same day Caesar followed the enemies at some distance according to his custom, and encamped three thousand paces from their army.
Defeat of the Helvetians near Bibracte
The next day, as only two days remained until the distribution of wheat to the army, and as Bibracte, unquestionably the largest and richest of the towns of the Aedui, was only ten eight thousand paces, Caesar thought he had to take care of the provisions, moved away from the Helvetii and headed for Bibracte. (2) Some defectors of L. Emilius, decurion of the Gallic cavalry, gave notice to the enemies. (3) The Helvetians, or attributing the retreat of the Romans to fear, especially since the day before, although masters of the heights, they had not engaged in combat; or else flattering themselves that they could cut off their supplies, changed their plans, turned back, and began to follow and harass our rearguard.
Seeing this movement, Caesar leads his troops to a nearby height, and detaches his cavalry to support the enemy's attack. (2) At the same time he ranges in line in three lines, in the middle of the hill, four legions of old troops, and places on top the two legions which he had newly raised in Citerior Gaul, as well as all the auxiliaries; he also has the whole mountain lined with soldiers, (3) collects the baggage in one place, which is fortified by the troops who have taken up position on the height. (4) The Helvetii, who followed with all their chariots, collected their baggage in one place; their tight front repels our cavalry; they form a phalanx, and attack our first line.
Caesar dismisses all the horses, starting with his own, in order to make the danger equal for all and escape impossible, exhorts his troops and marches into battle. (2) Our soldiers, shooting their arrows from above, easily break through the phalanx of the enemies. Having thrown it into disorder, they swoop down on it, sword in hand. (3) The Gauls experienced great difficulty in fighting, in that several of their shields were, at the same time, javelins, pierced and as if nailed together, and that the iron having bent, they could neither tear it off , nor to use in the melee their left arm thus embarrassed. A large number of them, after long efforts of arms, prefer to throw down their shields and fight uncovered. (5) Finally, overwhelmed with wounds, they begin to let go and retreat towards a mountain, about a thousand paces away. (6) They soon occupied it, and ours followed them, when the Boii and the Tulingi, who, numbering about fifteen thousand, closed the enemy's march and supported their rear guard, attacked us on our flank, which the march had left uncovered, and envelop us. At the sight of this manoeuvre, the Helvetians, who had retired to the mountain, hastened to return and resume the fight. (7) The Romans turn their standards and advance on both sides; they oppose their first and their second line to those they have already defeated and repulsed, and their third to the new attackers.
This double combat was therefore long and obstinate. The enemies, unable to sustain the effort of our arms any longer, withdrew, as they had done at first, some on the mountain, others towards their baggage and their wagons. (During all this combat, which lasted from the seventh hour until evening, no one could see an enemy turn his back. chariots, and hurled a hail of darts at the assailants from above, while others, between these chariots and the wheels, wounded us with their javelins and their arrows.(4) It was only after long efforts that we made ourselves masters of the baggage and of the camp. The daughter of Orgetorix and one of his sons fell into our power there. After this battle, they had about one hundred and thirty thousand men left; they marched all night without Continuing their journey without stopping anywhere, even during the nights, they arrived on the fourth day in the lands of the Lingones. The wounds of the soldiers and the burial of the dead having detained us three days, we had not been able to hold them poursuivre. (6) César envoya aux Lingons des lettres e t des courriers pour leur défendre d’accorder aux ennemis ni vivres ni autres secours, sous peine, s’ils le faisaient, d’être traités comme les Helvètes. Lui-même, après ces trois jours, se mit avec toutes ses troupes à leur poursuite.
Soumission des Helvètes. Ils rentrent dans leur pays
(1) Les Helvètes, réduits à la dernière extrémité, lui envoyèrent des députés pour traiter de leur soumission. (2) L’ayant rencontré en marche, ils se jetèrent à ses pieds, lui parlèrent en suppliants, et implorèrent la paix en pleurant. Il ordonna aux Helvètes de l’attendre dans le lieu même où ils étaient alors; ils obéirent. (3) César, quand il y fut arrivé, leur demanda des otages, leurs armes, les esclaves qui s’étaient enfuis vers eux. (4) Pendant qu’on cherche et qu’on rassemble ce qu’il avait exigé, profitant de la nuit, six mille hommes environ du canton appelé Verbigénus, soit dans la crainte qu’on ne les mette à mort après leur avoir enlevé leurs armes, soit dans l’espoir que, parmi un si grand nombre de captifs, ils parviendront à cacher et à laisser entièrement ignorer leur fuite, sortent à la première veille du camp des Helvètes, et se dirigent vers le Rhin et les frontières des Germains.
Dès que César en fut instruit, il ordonna aux peuples sur les terres desquels ils pouvaient passer de les poursuivre et de les ramener, s’ils voulaient rester innocents à ses yeux. (2) Ils furent livrés et traités en ennemis. Tous les autres, après avoir donné otages, armes et transfuges, reçurent leur pardon. (3) Il ordonna aux Helvètes, aux Tulinges, aux Latobices de retourner dans le pays d’où ils étaient partis. Comme il ne leur restait plus de vivres et qu’ils ne devaient trouver chez eux aucune subsistance pour apaiser leur faim, il ordonna aux Allobroges de leur fournir du blé; il enjoignit aux Helvètes de reconstruire les villes et les bourgs qu’ils avaient incendiés. (4) La principale raison qui lui fit exiger ces choses fut qu’il ne voulait pas que le pays d’où les Helvètes s’étaient éloignés restât désert, dans la crainte qu’attirés par la fertilité du sol, les Germains d’outre-Rhin ne quittassent leur pays pour celui des premiers, et ne devinssent les voisins de notre province et des Allobroges. (5) À la demande des Héduens, les Boïens reçurent, à cause de leur grande réputation de valeur, la permission de s’établir sur leur propre territoire; on leur donna des terres, et ils partagèrent plus tard les droits et la liberté des Héduens eux-mêmes.
Un document sur leur nombre
On trouva dans le camp des Helvètes des registres écrits en lettres grecques et qui furent apportés à César. Sur ces registres étaient nominativement inscrits ceux qui étaient sortis de leur pays, le nombre des hommes capables de porter les armes, et séparément celui des enfants, des vieillards et des femmes. On y comptait en tout 263,000 Helvètes, 36,000 Tulinges, 14,000 Latobices, 23,000 Rauraques, 32,000 Boïens. II y avait parmi eux 92,000 combattants; le total s’élevait à 368,000 Gaulois. Le nombre de ceux qui rentrèrent dans leur pays fut, d’après le recensement ordonné par César, de cent dix mille.