Ivan Mayski was the USSR ambassador to Great Britain. From 1934 he kept diaries. He described in them, inter alia, the story of the Eastern Pact directed against the Third Reich - an unrealized treaty that was to protect Central and Eastern Europe from Hitler's attempts.
January 18, 1935
Mikhail Sholokhov left. They spent about two weeks in London with his wife. They lived at the embassy. I organized two parties for them:one with journalists who interviewed him (with poor press response), and one with writers [...].
I liked it very much. He is young (29) and full of joy for life. An avid hunter and angler. Fame did not spoil him. He is modest and straightforward. Will it stay like that? We'll see. He has a very good wife - intelligent, kind, kind. It is a great boon to him. Such a wife will save him from many of the nonsense that our young writers are inclined to do.
Sholokhov has a very endearing appearance:of medium height, proportionally built, blue-eyed blond with delicate features and a mop of curly hair above his broad forehead, with an inseparable pipe in his teeth. This is how a person imagines a poet.
It's a pity he didn't see much in England. He spent his time mostly meeting people from the world of literature, at parties and shopping (he had a lot of money - a fee for Quiet Don spent abroad) .
February 4, 1935
I learned some details of the meeting between the ministers of France and England. MacDonald (especially him) and Simon always stand for Hitler. Baldwin and Eden cautiously backed the French. Vansittart emphasized the special importance of Italy's participation in all kinds of European puzzles. MacDonald tried very hard to convince the French that the Eastern Pact is unrealistic ("the Germans do not want it, and nothing can be imposed on them") and suggested that we should not insist on him, but limit ourselves to ensuring the security of the West, leaving Eastern Europe to its own fate.
I learned some details of the meeting between the ministers of France and England. MacDonald (especially him) and Simon always stand for Hitler.
MacDonald and Simon faced tough opposition from the French. While Flandin was indeed mostly silent, Laval spoke for a long time […]. The French […] advocated further action in favor of the Eastern Pact. The English were against, but a compromise was finally reached:all the issues in the communication are to be dealt with 'in parallel'.
However, this method is not clear. Germany has no presence in Geneva, and where outside of Geneva can you find a suitable place to conduct such complex negotiations with so many countries? The English would like to play the role of an impartial mediator in Germany's talks with other countries, but the French do not like this idea at all.
We'll see. The French are terribly irritated with Poland . In an interview with the publisher of the Daily Telegraph, Flandin said:"I have Poland somewhere" . Laval expresses similarly in private conversations…
February 6, 1935
Masaryk (Czech MP) informed me today that he had a sincere conversation with Vansittart. He did not hide his concern at the meeting of the ministers of France and England […]. However, V. assured him that Czechoslovakia had no reason to fear for the future. He said England had the utmost interest in the integrity and welfare of Czechoslovakia.
V. is quite skeptical about the upcoming talks with Germany and does not expect any positive results. However, such a step must be taken, if only for the sake of enlightening the British public […].
The text is an excerpt from the book "Diaries of Majski" edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, which has just been published by Bellona.
I learned from a reliable journalistic source that Hoesch (the German ambassador) advises Hitler, with Simon's consent, to move the subject of the Eastern Pact to the very end in response to a joint Anglo-French proposal negotiation agenda. If the agreement covers all previous issues, the Eastern Pact can be safely shelved. A skillful move! But will Hitler prove to be smart enough to follow his ambassador's advice?
February 10, 1935
MacDonald and Simon are systematically campaigning to exterminate the Eastern Pact and focus solely on "Western security" issues. In other words, they tell Hitler:"Leave France and England alone and in return do what you want in Eastern Europe" . In my opinion, Baldwin, Eden and Vansittart realize that the policy of incitement is unfeasible and dangerous, but for now they give MD. and S. carte blanche.
Our Soviet activity is an important factor on the international scene at the moment. I believe it is time to clarify the Soviet attitude towards the February 3 communiqué.
February 21, 1935
… Simon welcomed me at the Palace of Westminster. Eden was also present, but he didn't say much. Simon started with my speech at the League of Nations Society, made a compliment, and asked me to explain some things to him. Later, I read aloud our opinion on the statement and placed the document on the desk of the Minister of Foreign Affairs [...].
I asked S. a question that I had asked Vansittart a few days earlier:what will the British government do if Germany accepts all the points of the London program except the Eastern Pact? I embarrassed my interlocutor, who started to say something off-key, lofty but incoherent.
This was meant to mean, as it seems: if Germany rejected our demand, the pact would be "castrated" - instead of mutual aid, we would have a simple non-aggression pact. I strongly protested; I admit I didn't mince words.
I have declared that mutual military assistance is a key element of the treaty; that we cannot make any concessions on this point and that without the Eastern Pact on Mutual Aid there will be neither disarmament nor security in Europe, even in a limited Western form.
I have declared that mutual military assistance is a key element of the treaty; that we cannot make any concessions on this point, and that without the Eastern Pact on Mutual Aid, there will be no disarmament or security in Europe, even in a limited Western form. S. was clearly concerned. Rubbing the bridge of his nose, he asked cynically: what are you ready to propose to buy Germany's consent to the Eastern Pact?
I replied that the security guarantee that Germany would receive together with other countries, if the pact was concluded, would be a sufficient reward. S. looked up and shrugged in a rather cryptic way.
I left with the firm conviction that Simon had finally understood that the attempt to exclude the USSR from settling the issue of "reassuring in Europe" had failed. If something is to be achieved in this area, the USSR must participate in it on an equal footing with other powers.
February 28, 1935
I found myself in a very difficult situation last week. I have never had the slightest doubt that the texts in The Times and the Daily Telegraph regarding the British minister's visit to Moscow were the work of the Foreign Office, and of Vansittart in particular. Throughout the week, the press was diligently and systematically blowing up the subject in all possible ways […].
Vansittart, when I introduced Putna to him, told me that although the press campaign related to the minister's visit was not a Foreign Office issue, the idea itself deserved consideration.
It was therefore perfectly clear that the British Government, realizing that it was impossible to assemble "European security" without us, decided to at least benefit from the involvement of the USSR in security activities - and above all play the role of an impartial mediator (which the English always liked) in search of a compromise between Berlin and Moscow on the Eastern Pact […].
Initially, the NKID thought that Simon's visit to Moscow was to "cover" his arrival to Warsaw (newspapers reported that the British minister was to travel from Berlin to Warsaw, and then to Moscow)
Our people in Moscow, however, will not yield. Immediately after the first news appeared in the press, I asked what line should I follow. I got a reply that the press releases were irrelevant; that I should remain calm, and should the Foreign Office contact me, I should inform Moscow.
Initially, the NKID thought that Simon's visit to Moscow was to "cover" his arrival to Warsaw (newspapers reported that the British minister was to travel from Berlin to Warsaw, and then to Moscow). I protested, citing the material at my disposal, and asked if the Soviet press could signal, if only cautiously, that it was well prepared for Simon's visit.
NKID did not even agree to that; doubts were raised as to whether the minister really wanted to come. On February 26, however, I was allowed to at least support the idea of Simon's visit in case the Foreign Office or circles close to him approached me on this point […].
On February 25, when answering a question in the House of Commons, Simon said the government was considering his visit to Moscow. I again appealed to M.M. and today I was finally instructed to tell Vansittart that I am entitled to give Simon an official invitation as soon as the British government finally decides to visit the English minister to the USSR. However, NKID wants Simon to come, no one else… Hm!
Of course, prestige is at play here: if Simon is going to Berlin, he should also come to Moscow. It is perfectly clear. Yet I wouldn't be so stubborn about Simon. In fact, it would probably be more advantageous to send Eden. Anyway, today was a great relief…
February 29, 1935
We had Lloyd George's family for lunch yesterday and almost all of his "crew":the old man himself, his wife, Gwilym and Megan. Maitland (prominent conservative), Jarvie (banker), "independent" Labor Josiah Wedgwood, and others also appeared.
I am in awe of Lloyd George. She is 72 years old and still bursting with energy. After her recent vacation, she looks great:strong, tanned, with a fresh complexion under a storm of snow-white hair. He was in a great mood. He did not drink wine while eating, but he liked the vodka, and after the first glass he had another or two.
The text is an excerpt from the book "Diaries of Majski" edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, which has just been published by Bellona.
L.G. he stated that at the moment he was not particularly interested in the German question. The fears of Germany's aggressiveness are greatly exaggerated. Germany needs at least ten more years to rebuild its military, economic and financial power. So for now, Europe can rest easy. He is much more concerned about the situation in the Far East […]. Japan, which is eager to use the carrot and stick method, has apparently set out to create a powerful "yellow" empire on the Asian continent.
[…]. L.G. he exploded and criticized the government in extremely harsh words. He was in his element, virulent; he talked about idiots without an iota of imagination; what they are doing does not, in his view, deserve to be called politics. MacDonald and [Neville] Chamberlain was particularly offensive to him.
Check the opinions and rate the book "Dziennik Majskiego" on the website lubimyczyarcie.pl.
Source:
The text is an excerpt from the book "Diaries of Majski" edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, which has just been published by Bellona.