This text is part of his original scientific work under the title "The establishment of the Protection in Greece and the role of the English Party, taking into account the Geopolitics of Naval Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Subsystem:Combined Neo-Marxist , Realist and Geopolitical Analysis", which was published four years ago in the scientific journal " Civitas Gentium " (volume 5, issue 4, 2017, pp. 73-82). His paper in question was a developed form of the speech of the same name by Dr. Ilias Iliopoulos, then Professor of the Naval War School (Navy Command-Staff School), at the SDEPN Scientific Conference on 9/6/2011 with the central theme:"1821:Historical Personalities – Critical Approach".
Written by Ilias Iliopoulos *
PART B':
The gradual formation and final strengthening within Greek society of a "hegemonic formation with an obvious comprador, mercantile and transactional character" was supposed "to tie the state to the chariot of English politics in the future, but also to favor manifold the further penetration of the metropolitan of capitalism in the regional Greek market, while, at the same time, it prevented, for half a century at least, any noteworthy development of the national productive forces" (see in this regard Iliopoulos, Ilias, "The establishment of the Protection in Greece and the role of the English Party, taking into account the Geopolitics of Naval Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Subsystem:A Combined Neo-Marxist, Realist and Geopolitical Analysis", in Civitas Gentium , volume 5, issue 4, 2017, pp. 73-82).
Besides, because the top of the Greek incorrect middle class (rich merchants - shipowners) had already emerged from the 18 th century, during the late period of the Turkish rule, mainly outside of (later) Greek territory , it was not possible to form (after Independence) any organic relationship with the Greek domestic productive sphere . The mediation position of this order, in the context of commercial transactions between a capitalist metropolitan center and an Ottoman periphery, gave it a strong combradoric character, as a result of which the talk about her is false taxis functioned rather as a representative ("agent") of European capital in Greece than as a representative of Greek national capital in the West (self).
Most importantly :The preservation of this order of things and, in this regard, the assurance of the permanent exercise, on behalf of Greece, of a foreign policy fully aligned with the geostrategic necessities and imperatives of Great Britain was guaranteed by the chronic external over-indebtedness of the Greek state and the interventionist policy of the Protecting Powers (read:M Bretagne) (Iliopoulos, self). After all, the Second London Protocol (1832) also contained a "typical right of intervention". of the Three Guardian Powers" expressis verbis , having "not only the right but also the obligation to intervene, to maintain peace and order throughout the country » (self). The clause in question ceased to be valid by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, formally at least, because according to others it ceased only in 1947, after the handing over of the baton of planetary maritime sovereignty, the translatio imperii , from Old Albion to the daughter of New England.
The ceremonial establishment of a semi-official Protectorate on the newly established Greek state - a type of the Three Great Powers, essence of Britain , of the Naval Force which also permanently strategically controlled the geographic subsystem of the Eastern Mediterranean for a century and a half, at least – it also meant ensuring the economic dominance of the metropolitan capitalist center over the specific country of the region and, therefore, the dispossession of any real possibility of a self-sustaining economic development.
The imposition of Protection had the effect of suspending the full implementation of genuine capitalist modes of production and the delay in the development of a domestic industry. With the notable and wonderful exception of the short Kapodistrian period, the Greek state always took care , until the time of Koumundourou legislation (1871), either for the stimulation and protection of national agricultural production (infrastructure projects, land improvement projects, capitalization of agricultural production, etc.) or for the development of national industry . And this, not primarily the fault of the Bavarians , as it is sometimes perceived. On the contrary , for the sake of historical justice it must be said that the Bavarians showed, if nothing else, good faith and a sincere desire to transform the underdeveloped and broken Greece in a "model kingdom". " in the East, as is also evident from the famous "names" , which they brought with them (jurists, scientists, architects and craftsmen of pantheonological value at the time and European reputation).
On the contrary, the historical responsibility rests with the Greek oligarchy , which, through its representatives in the parliamentary superstructure (=political Kojabasism). ), did not show the slightest inclination to strengthen the same, national, industrial base – stubbornly of the critical finding of Karol Marx , of the contents of the First Volume of the "Chapter » (Das). Capital ) about the promoting role of the State during the initial accumulation (in England and France).
The consequences were historically indisputable:
- obstructing the organic development of social classes or, in other words: distortion ( Deformation ) / delay ( Retardierung ) social and economic conditions , according to the terminology of Nikos Poulantzas (Poulantzas, Nicos, Die Krise der Diktaturen, Portugal, Griechenland, Spanien , Frankfurt a. M., 1977, p. 11).
- preservation of pro-progressive elements of Greek urbanism far from political hegemony, for a long time, and consequent disintegration of urbanism in:
- a superior, illegitimate megalopolis, stratum, with strong elements of cosmopolitanism and Franco-Levantinism, and
- a lower, petty-bourgeois and middle-bourgeois stratum, imbued with nationalist ideology
- year economic backwardness of the state / trade deficit
- deepening and reproduction of national subservience , as a product more than structural financial dependence on the part of the lending Powers.
The hegemony of the Oligarchy in Greek society but also the control on behalf of the Protecting Power were ensured through the introduction of an appropriate institutional structure in the newly established state . The introduction of a parliamentary superstructure proved to be a brilliant move. And here the role of Mavrokordatos emerges as deterministic , since he was the author of parliamentary structure in Greece, already from the first Senates and, later, National Assemblies, of the years 1821/23 – and he remained politically active for about four decades.
The fundamental (if not impressive) contradiction of the Revolution, the consolidation of the hegemony of the reactionary forces par excellence (Phanariots, Kotzabasis and Compradors) through the adoption of "democratic" (even ultra-democratic, "Jacobin"!) Constitutions and typically bourgeois democratic polity has been analyzed in the literature. In a pre-urban social formation , where the objective historical conditions were absent for the appearance and development of western style political parties – while at the same time the geographical and geocultural conditions they clearly favored localism, factionalism and social fragmentation in general – it could be expected, after certainty, that the English parliamentary system, once introduced, would function as a system of networks of patronage and patronage, leading to “historical paradox” of the Greek Revolution:
the allied vested interests managed to block the authentic Popular Sovereignty through just types (bourgeois-) democratic state!
The so-called "Politicon." " of the Greek Revolution - as opposed to the "Military » – was permanently in the hands of the Greek lords of the Turkish rule (Phanariots, Kotzambasids) or persons absolutely loyal to them and hostile to any attempt at democratic expansion of the control of the executive power with the participation of genuine representatives of the enlightened nationalism of Philiki Etairia or farmers layers. And the "Politicon" is a product of time, through the "appropriate" use of the Independence Loans , now own "Military", buying consciences and distributing offices, titles, honors and pounds (whereas, in the final stage, he proceeded to directly entrusting the military leadership to the British – Cochran, George – with simultaneous political and physical extermination of the Military who expressed the national and social liberating visions and ideas).
It has often been said that the Protecting Powers imposed a political system on Greece, which practically amounted to the permanent institutionalization of political dependence of the newly formed state under the foreign agent. Surprisingly, however, the relevant reference is usually limited to the introduction of the Monarchy , while not there is talk and for the introduction of the western parliamentary system , which, as a matter of fact, turned out to be a very useful policy tool in the hands of M. of Britain . Its introduction allowed the Dynamine Shield to exert pressure on one or the other Government, or on King Otto , and to use one player against the other, and tumblers.
After all, the importance that the parliamentary element would have in the future for the English factor of the institutional structure appears, among other things, from the fact that the alliance between the Protecting Power of England and the political exponents of the domestic social oligarchy (political compradorism and Kojabasism, after 1843 you wrapped yourself in the garb of parliamentarianism ) did not hesitate to repeatedly punish, or even to finally expel, in 1862, the type of highest administrator in the institutional structure, they were Anaktas, when the latter (Othon ) attempted to become independent from the British Protectorate and to pursue a Greek foreign policy in line with the national interests and, therefore, in the specific historical moment, compatible with Russia's policy (Iliopoulos, 2017, int. op.).
Otherwise, a valuable tool policy tool , as it is called today) in the hands of English diplomacy, the much-vaunted Competition Loans (or Independence Loans), which were granted to Greece both during the Games and afterwards (in this regard see Lignadis, supra note). Indeed (as Yiannis Kordatos reminds). ), "whenever he deemed it expedient, London demanded the repayment of the loans, in order to blackmail King Otho and any Greek Government that dared to depart from English policy" (Iliopoulos, 2017, int. op.).
Thus, "the Fight Loans." as well as subsequently concluded , to repay the previous ones and, after that, the re-contracted ones , to pay the interest debt of previously concluded , and so on, turned out to be a very important lever of dependency of the Greek state" (Iliopoulos, ibid.) - "fundamental factors of its dependence", according to the significant finding of Lignadis (ora Lignadis, int. aut., p. 99). I mention in passing that "the nominal value of the loans was relatively small , at least until 1879, but interest rates were very high . Needless to say, most of them came from of London' (Iliopoulos, 2017, int. op.).
The Crimean (1853-56), the Crimean War , between Holy Russia, on the one hand, and High Gate, Great Britain and France, on the other, will be the occasion for a "new escalation and exacerbation of Western political and military interventionism" (Heliopoulos, self). Otto's attempt to implement a nationally beneficial policy, supporting the exploding national liberation movements of Epirothessaly, then still under the Ottoman yoke, and looking for a way of cooperation with St. Petersburg, will provoke England's furious reaction. England once again resorted to the strategy of naval blockade known since 1849 and coercion , while he proceeded, after France, in 1854, to a landing and a three-year occupation of Piraeus and other Greek regions. It is not without significance that, during the period of the Occupation, in order to appease the month of Old Albion, Othon was obliged to swear in Mavrokordatus as Prime Minister. The period of the recalled "Ministry of Occupation (Heliopoulos, ibid.) remained engraved in the national collective memory, as a synonym of national humiliation (and would remain so until today, if the term "Occupation", in the meantime, had not been re-defined to denote the quadruple Occupation of the Homeland us, during the Second World War, on behalf of Germans, Italians, Bulgarians and Albanians).
On the other hand, indicative of ideology of Protection is the fact that the "political parties" (already established during the Revolution) bore foreign names (English, French, Russian). ). As is well known, these were not parties with a programmatic orientation or, at the very least, a clear class and ideological identity – until at least the time of Alexandros Koumoundours , when the first political party in Greece was founded, fundamentally similar to the European (People's Party ) (Iliopoulos, 2017).
On the other hand, it is not without importance to point out that "serious geostrategic reasons forced the hegemonic Mediterranean and World Power of the time to wish to maintain Greece under a regime of structural economic dependence" (Heliopoulos, self). It is inferred from many sources that Geria Albion prevented the emergence of a mighty Greece as a competing Navy/Merchant Power in the Eastern Mediterranean Area (see, among other things, the revealing remarks of the American diplomat Charles Tuckerman , Ambassador in Athens in the years 1867-74, regarding the true role and illegitimate purposes of Great Britain). While “the absolute geopolitical nightmare for the maritime kingdom of Britain it was the possibility of a strategic alliance of the naval, insular and coastal nation of the Greeks with the Major Land/Eurasian Power, which, in that case, would acquire a political and military foothold in the Mediterranean" (ora, inter alia , the cynical statements of the British Ambassador Lyons to his Austrian counterpart in 1841) (Iliopoulos, ibid).
As we noted earlier (Iliopoulos, 2017) and we also mentioned during our relevant lecture in the context of the Scientific Day of the Naval War School (Command School-Navy Staff) in June 2011, "the fear of Geria Albionos that the new Greece, under certain conditions, can develop into a serious commercial Power, which would compete with London, he quotes us from the three Members of the Regency (and an eminent legal scholar, respected throughout Europe), the Professor Georg Ludwig von Maurer , in his monumental work on the "Greek People", published in Heidelberg in 1835" (Maurer, Georg Ludwig von, Das griechische Volk, Heidelberg, 1835, Bd. I, pp. 37-39).
In conclusion, the establishment of Protection it was the result of the cooperation of two factors :
- of Great Britain,
- του Αγγλικού Κόμματος.
Άρα, η Ελλάς του Δευτέρου Πρωτοκόλλου του Λονδίνου , η Ελλάς του 1832, είναι περίπτωσις, και δη τυπική, αυτού που στην γερμανική βιβλιογραφία για τις περιφερειακές χώρες απεκλήθη “Staatsgr ü ndung in Abh ä ngigkeit ”:«Κρατογένεσις εν Εξαρτήσει ».
Η κρατογένεσις εν εξαρτήσει συνεπήγετο εκ προοιμίου ουσιώδεις περιορισμούς της εθνικής κυριαρχίας και της αυτονομίας δράσεως του κράτους, ενώ συνάμα έθεσε εις κίνησιν την διεργασία στρεβλώσεως της ελληνικής κοινωνίας, οικονομίας αλλά και ιδεολογίας (παραπέμπομε στην θέση του Κωστή Μοσκώφ περί της «ιδεολογίας του μεταπρατικού χώρου »).
Εξ άλλου, θεωρώ επιβεβλημένη την διευκρίνιση ότι τόσον η θέσμιση του καθεστώτος της Προστασίας όσον και η στρέβλωση των κοινωνικών και οικονομικών συνθηκών εν Ελλάδι δεν εγένοντο άπαξ διά παντός , αλλ’ αναπαρήχθησαν σε δεδομένα ιστορικά ορόσημα/μεταίχμια.
Είναι αξιοπρόσεκτη και η περιοδική αναπαραγωγή του ιδεολογικού πλαισίου της Προστασίας:αναπαλαιώνοντας τον παραδοσιακό οιονεί κοσμοπολιτισμό (ακριβέστερα:φραγκολεβαντινισμό) της, η ελληνική νόθος μεγαλοαστική τάξις προσέφευγε στην χρήση άλλοτε μεν του ιδεολογήματος του Ατλαντισμού (μετά το 1947), άλλοτε δε του ιδεολογήματος του Ευρωπαϊσμού (μετά το 1981 και έως σήμερα), ως οιονεί ιδεολογικής νομιμοποιήσεως της Προστασίας . Αυτοδήλως, δεν επιτρέπεται να μας ξενίζει η ταυτόχρονη χρήση, σε παλαιότερες περιόδους, εθνικιστικών ιδεολογημάτων, προκειμένου να επιτελεσθεί η (κρίσιμη για ευρύτερες μάζες) ψυχολογική λειτουργία της υπεραναπληρώσεως , πολλώ δε μάλλον καθ’ όσον η ηγεμονική κοινωνική συμμαχία του ελληνικού εθνοκρατικού σχηματισμού υπέστη, προοδευτικώς, τις τελευταίες τέσσερεις δεκαετίες, ουσιαστική διεύρυνση προς το μικροαστικό στοιχείο (μετά το 1967 και μετά το 1981).
Άλλωστε, κατά μίαν έννοιαν, και επί των ημερών μας παριστάμεθα μάρτυρες μιας επαναθεσμίσεως του πλαισίου και των όρων της Προστασίας , συνεπεία της ιστορικής αποτυχίας της ελληνικής κοινωνικής ολιγαρχίας και των εκφραστών της στο κοινοβουλευτικό εποικοδόμημα να υπερβούν τις δομικές στρεβλώσεις της ελληνικής κοινωνίας και οικονομίας.
Τούτων ειρημένων, επιθυμώ, εν κατακλείδι, να σημειώσω ότι η ανάδειξις της ξένης Προστασίας δεν αποτελεί άλλοθι ημετέρων αμαρτιών , άλλως καθίσταται «παιδαιριώδης και εύκολος ερμηνεία». Διότι, ως ορθώς εγράφη , «την ευθύνην του τιμήματος και της εξαρτήσεως και της ανεξαρτησίας φέρει ακεραίαν η πολιτική ηγεσία και ο λαός».