Santiago, Chile, September 11, 1973, 9:10 a.m. In the facilities of Radio Maggayanes, the official radio station of the Communist Party of Chile, there is chaos. A little while before, the forces of the coup plotter Pinochet have bombed the antennas of the station, in the context of "Operation Silencio" (Operación Silencio). Despite this, the machines continue to transmit. In front of the microphone is the president of the Republic of Chile, Salvador Allende, ready to address the citizens of the country for the last time. The words do not come out of the mouth, they come directly from the heart of the fighter, the pacifist Marxist, the man who envisioned the bloodless revolution and who paid his commitment to the people and his beliefs with his very life.
"These are my last words. I am sure that my sacrifice is not in vain. I am sure that it will be at least a moral lesson for the condemnation of the criminals, the traitors, the conspirators". Moments later, Allende and with him his political project, one of the most inspiring collective efforts of the last century, passed into eternity. His life, along with his vision, were extinguished today, exactly 48 years ago, on September 11, 1973, but his memory lives on, and so does his sacrifice. In the hearts and thoughts of the tortured Chileans, the oppressed of Latin America, the uncompromising fighters of the whole world.
A FEW BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS
Allende was born on June 26, 1908 in Valparaiso. His parents were Salvador Allende Castro, a lawyer and member of the Radical Party, and Laura Gossens Uribe, a notary public. In 1926 he was accepted by the University of Chile in Santiago to study medicine. As a student of the School of Medicine at the University of Santiago, he organized a group to study and analyze Marxist theory. In 1930 he was elected Vice-President of the Students' Federation and actively participated in the struggle against the dictatorial regime of Carlos Ibanez. In 1932, after completing his studies and after the fall of the ephemeral socialist government, he was imprisoned.
On April 19, 1933 he was one of the founding members of the Socialist Party of Chile. In 1935 he became President of the Medical Association and in the same year he was arrested and detained for five months in the port of Caldera. In March 1936 he was present at the founding of the Popular Front. In 1942 he was elected General Secretary of the Socialist Party. In 1951, his party participated in the founding of the People's Front, along with the Communist Party. A year later, as a candidate for President on behalf of the Front, he gathered 52,000 votes and as an elected senator, together with Elias Laferte, he presented a plan for the nationalization of copper mines. In 1957, the Socialist Party united with the People's Socialist Party, forming together with the Communist Party, the People's Action Front, from which he was nominated for President.
THE INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT
In Latin America a leading event was the victory of the Cuban revolution in 1959. It was preceded by the overthrow of the progressive government of Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954 by CIA mercenaries. 1961 was the year that armed struggle efforts in Nicaragua began again with the establishment of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). In the same year, the US announced the "Alliance for Progress" program in order to avoid further revolutionary outbreaks in Latin America. In 1961, the military operation organized by the CIA to invade Cuba at the Bay of Pigs failed miserably.
In the same year, the insurgency in Guatemala began slowly. In 1966, the revolutionary priest Camilo Torres who had joined the guerrilla ranks was murdered in Colombia. In 1967 Ernesto Che Guevara was executed in Bolivia and the guerrilla movement was dissolved. However, a patriotic military government emerged in Bolivia in 1970, while a similar military government was established in Peru in 1968. Thus, while until 1959 America had undisturbed control of Latin America, in the late 1960s a new political scene took shape, the which caused concern in the US leadership, especially for the political future of Argentina, Chile and Brazil.
THE 1970 ELECTIONS IN CHILE
In the elections of September 4, 1970, Allende received 36.3% of the vote, compared to 35% for the right-wing National Party candidate, Jorge Alessandri, and 27.8% for the Christian Democratic candidate, Radomiro Tomic. According to the Constitution of Chile, the President was elected by the first two candidates who would receive a majority from Congress (House and Senate together). To do this, Popular Unity had to reach some agreement with the Christian Democrats. The only way to get the Christian Democrats to vote for Allende was if there were express guarantees that democracy would be protected.
With this aim, they agreed with him on a political text, the "Law of Democratic Guarantees". The text set two conditions, which Allende could not violate as long as he was in power. The first was the continuation of the functioning of democratic institutions, which basically meant that any radical institutional change would have to be approved by Parliament. The second was to ensure the independence of the military and its role as the ultimate guarantor of the country's democratic institutions. Allende's election was finally ratified with 153 votes (out of a total of 200), which was a negative surprise for the US.
The CIA, sure of Allende's electoral defeat, considered it unnecessary to finance Jorge Alessandri, as the large telecommunications company ITT, of American interests, had already offered him 350 thousand dollars. But the results of the September 4 election created great concern in Washington because of the fear of the effect of Allende's electoral victory in Argentina and Brazil. According to analysts, a coup plan in Chile existed before the presidential elections of 1970. However, due to the lack of organization of the army, as well as the belief that Alessandri would be the winner, this ultimately did not take place.
Before the "Popular Unity" agreement with the Christian Democratic party, Rene Snyder, head of the Chilean Armed Forces, was approached to organize the coup against the (former) Frei Government, albeit belatedly, but he refused. Two days before the crucial vote, three cars blocked his way and unknown occupants murdered him. Snyder's execution was part of a CIA plan called "Operation FU BELT" and was put in place after Richard Nixon called CIA Director Richard Helms into the Oval Office on September 15, 1970, telling him:"Do what you have to do, spend as much money as you need, screw up the economy, but save Chile, stop Allende from being sworn in as the world's first freely elected Socialist President (as at the time) and do whatever is necessary to achieve it".
THE ALIENDE GOVERNMENT
Under these circumstances the government of "People's Unity" proceeded with a series of important changes. He first nationalized copper, the country's most important product, which had been exploited until then by American multinationals. Within the first two years of his rule, nationalizations included many other key sectors of the economy such as metallurgies, iron ore and nitrous mines, cement factories, textiles, electricity generation and distribution, and banks. The workers took an active part in the management of the factories, especially the nationalized ones. The public sector of the economy produced at the end of 1972 more than 50% of the gross industrial product.
Overall industrial production also rose rapidly. In addition, the real income of workers increased significantly, unemployment fell from 8.8% to 3%. Child mortality decreased by 20.1%. For the first time in the history of the country, a universal health system was created. Spectacular progress has been made in the area of illiteracy and public education. The expropriation of farms proceeded, while 600 thousand acres were reforested. Thousands of peasants got land. Cooperatives began to form and life in the villages changed. The condition of the native Indians improved markedly.
Although the Constitution allowed the President to dissolve Parliament after a referendum and despite the fact that in the municipal elections of April 1971 "Popular Unity" increased its percentage to 50.8%, Allende remained loyal to the Republic, keeping the agreement he had made with the Christian Democrats and wanting to maintain the independence of the army, he did not proceed with the dissolution of Parliament to amend the Constitution. It is noteworthy that a month before the municipal elections, there was a failed assassination attempt against him.
Americans could not digest the socialist reform program of "People's Unity", nor accept the nationalization of large tracts of land, the country's mines and banks. "We claim to create a different world, to prove that profound changes can be made that constitute a revolution. We must create a democratic, national, revolutionary and popular government that will lead to Socialism," were Allende's words in his post-election speech , making the White House shudder.
INVISIBLE FINANCIAL EXCLUSION
Another big thorn was the opening made by Allende in the country's foreign policy, establishing relations with China and Cuba. The willingness of the president of Chile to proceed with the expulsion of the American companies that were exploiting the copper mines, was the final straw that Nixon needed to make the decision to overthrow the legitimately elected regime. So the task was assigned to - who else? - to Henry Kissinger. About a year after Allende's election, the first financial difficulties began. The main reason was the "invisible economic blockade" imposed by the USA. Also a problem was the large foreign debt, which translated into 200 million dollars a year.
Due to the drop in the price of copper, the main export product, which has resulted in a reduction of government revenues by 240 million dollars a year, Chile has been in an increasingly worse economic situation. Thus began the first reactions which aimed to shake the influence of "Popular Unity". On various occasions and pretexts, demonstrations instigated by the opposition followed one another, culminating in the famous "cacerolazos", protests by women who took to the streets banging their pots. In October 1972, the Federation of Motor Truck Owners went on strike, which lasted a month and paralyzed the country.
THE ELECTIONS OF 1973
To defuse the situation, the government was reshuffled. The new cabinet included three military officers, among them the head of the Armed Forces, General Carlos Prats. Elections were held again in March 1973. "Unidad Popular" received 44% of the vote, 6% less than in the '71 municipal elections. But the opposition, despite its electoral defeat, led the strike in the copper mines. Although only 35% of the workforce participated, production dropped by around 70%. After anti-government demonstrations and street clashes with government supporters, a coup attempt was made in June 1973, but was suppressed by General Pratz. After the crackdown, the army chief advised Allende to distribute arms to the people.
But he, faithful to his values, answered him:"No. This revolution will take place without a drop of blood. It is based on values and not on violence." It was the beginning of the end. A few days later, in July 1973, the truck owners went on a new strike, which was accompanied by murders and burning of factories. On August 24, Pratz resigned and was succeeded by General Augusto Pinochet, while a constitutional crisis broke out, with Congress accusing Allende of abuse of power. In order to deal with the situation, the president of "Popular Unity" decided to appeal to a referendum and announced that on September 11 he was going to address the people of Chile.
THE COUP OF PINOSET
A few hours before the presidential address, army and police forces under Pinochet, in collaboration with paramilitary groups, occupied Valparaiso, the country's main port, and bombed radio stations. A few armed People's Unity workers resisted in factories, in the university, in newspaper offices. Around two o'clock in the afternoon Allende was dead in "La Moneda", the presidential palace. The Chilean president had committed suicide in his office with the Kalashnikov AK-47 given to him by Fidel Castro. Immediately after, one of the biggest crimes in modern Latin American history began to unfold.
Mass arrests of "Popular Unity" executives and members, on-the-spot executions of unarmed fighters, savage beatings. A characteristic incident was the brutal torture of the songwriter Victor Hara inside the stadium which today bears his name. After breaking all his fingers and "calling" him for three days to play the guitar and sing for them, his tormentors finally executed him and threw him into a ditch outside the city. Concentration camps, torture and execution hells were set up all over the country.
The horrors of the very first day of the coup were characteristically recorded by two German correspondents of the German Radio:"In front of us they executed 400 to 500. It was the largest group executed in the stadium. The other thing we can say is that we heard and saw that they were killing people with sticks. They didn't torture them, they beat them to death." The shocked global democratic public likened the methods of the Pinochet regime to those of Nazism:drowning prisoners with their hands tied in water, uprooting limbs with pincers, shooting workers on the spot as an example when a mine went on strike a few months later the coup.
The dead in the first days after the coup were estimated at 30,000, while the prisoners in prisons and camps at 40,000. Parliament and parties were abolished in the name of "democracy" and "patriotism". Nationalized enterprises were of course returned to foreign multinationals and local entrepreneurs. Every democratic right was abolished. The executions were carried out either after a trial in the military court, or without any procedure. Arrests at homes, checks anywhere and anytime. Circular No. 34/1973 of the military censorship emphasized that the word obrero (worker) was to be replaced in all newspapers and media by the words "manual employee", while the word compañero (companion) was deleted from the vocabulary.
THE ROLE OF THE CIA AND THE USA
There is no doubt, of course, that the coup and what followed was a well-prepared and elaborated plan by the CIA. Executives of the American multinationals that exploited Chile and the Chileans were usually also CIA agents. They orchestrated the escalation of the reaction against "Popular Unity" until the coup. Huge sums were spent on strengthening the media of the reactionary forces, on recruiting people, on buying others off, on setting up legal and illegal organizations, on the lavish remuneration of their executives and members.
Επιπλέον, οι ΗΠΑ στηρίχτηκαν στη συμφωνία αμοιβαίας στρατιωτικής βοήθειας που υπήρχε ανάμεσα στις δύο χώρες πριν την εκλογή του Αλιέντε και την οποία η κυβέρνηση της "Λαϊκής Ενότητας" δε θέλησε να καταγγείλει. Έτσι, αξιωματικοί της Χιλής εκπαιδεύονταν από Αμερικανούς σε γνωστές σχολές δολοφόνων που διατηρούσαν οι ΗΠΑ στον Παναμά, στο Πουέρτο Ρίκο και αλλού, σχολές που ειδικεύονταν τόσο στα πραξικοπήματα, όσο και στην αντιμετώπιση και καταστολή των λαϊκών κινημάτων. Σήμερα γνωρίζουμε ότι υπήρχε κέντρο που συντόνιζε το στρατό, τα κόμματα της συντηρητικής αντιπολίτευσης, τις παράνομες ακροδεξιές οργανώσεις, τα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης.
Στη Χιλή, εκτός από τη στρατιωτική αποστολή των ΗΠΑ, υπήρχαν 89 υπάλληλοι του State Department και σχεδόν 1.500 μυστικοί πράκτορες. Η αντίδραση δεν ήθελε απλά μια ήττα του Αλιέντε. Ήθελε να καταφέρει ένα συντριπτικό πλήγμα στο λαϊκό κίνημα στη Χιλή, να κερδίσει μια στρατηγική νίκη, έτσι ώστε να κοπούν τα φτερά των Χιλιάνων και κατ’ επέκταση να κλείσει το μέτωπο της Λατινικής Αμερικής, το οποίο είχε ανοίξει το 1959 με την κουβανέζικη επανάσταση και έπαιρνε επικίνδυνες διαστάσεις με την επικράτηση της "Λαϊκής Ενότητας" στις εκλογές του 1970. Γι' αυτό και είχε σχεδιαστεί η εξόντωση του πρωτοπόρου, του μαχητικού κομματιού του χιλιάνικου λαού.
Μέχρι που έφτασε η 11η του Σεπτέμβρη για να δώσει η βαρβαρότητα τη θέση της στο όνειρο, ο φασισμός και η βία να στοιχειώσουν το όραμα του Αλιέντε και των Χιλιάνων για ένα καλύτερο αύριο, ένα αύριο που παρέμεινε στο σκοτάδι για πολλά χρόνια, ως τη στιγμή που ο λαός της Χιλής κατάφερε να ξετινάξει από πάνω του το ζυγό του δικτάτορα Πινοσέτ και τραγούδησε ξανά στους δρόμους του Σαντιάγο, της Κονσεπσιόν, του Βαλπαραΐσο, της Τάλκα, του Τεμούκο και της Ρανκάγουα τους στίχους του Κουβανού Πάμπλο Μιλανές:"Yo pisaré las calles nuevamente, de lo que fue Santiago ensangrentada, y en una hermosa plaza liberada, me detendré a llorar por los ausentes…" (Θα περπατήσω και πάλι τους δρόμους, αυτού που υπήρξε το αιματοκυλισμένο Σαντιάγο και σε μια όμορφη κι ελεύθερη ξανά πλατεία, θα σταθώ να κλάψω για τους απόντες).
ΤΟ ΠΑΡΕΛΘΟΝ ΔΕ ΧΑΝΕΤΑΙ...
Ο φασίστας δικτάτορας δολοφόνος Πινοσέτ βρίσκεται βαθιά μέσα στα σκουπίδια της ιστορίας, πολύ πριν τον θάνατό του το 2006. Αντίθετα, η εικόνα του Αλιέντε διατηρείται ζωντανή στην παγκόσμια μνήμη. Η ζωντάνια, το κέφι, η διάθεσή του για ζωή αλλά και η πρόθεσή του να καταφέρει το αδύνατο. Η εικόνα και η φωνή εκείνου που προσπάθησε να αλλάξει τους νόμους της πολιτικής υπέρ των φτωχότερων. Το παρελθόν δε χάνεται. Καθρεφτίζεται μέσα στο όραμα του ανθρώπου που θέλησε να κάνει πραγματικότητα την ουτοπία για έναν κόσμο πιο δίκαιο, πιο ελεύθερο, δημιουργώντας ένα μαζικό κίνημα και μια ειρηνική επανάσταση μέσα σε μια Λατινική Αμερική όπου κυριαρχούσαν η βία και οι ΗΠΑ.
Που δεν ξέχασε τις υποσχέσεις του. Που στάθηκε όρθιος δίπλα στο λαό του μέχρι την τραγωδία του τέλους. Η 11η Σεπτεμβρίου είναι ακόμα παρούσα. Ο Σαλβαδόρ Αλιέντε αγάπησε τη ζωή αλλά και η ζωή τον αγάπησε. Με αυτή τη ζωή στο μυαλό θέλησε να ενεργήσει, να σκεφτεί και να ανακαλύψει το μέλλον. Το παρελθόν δε χάνεται. Μένει ζωντανό, όπως ακριβώς το περιέγραψε στους στίχους του ο μεγάλος Χιλιανός ποιητής Πάμπλο Νερούδα:
"...Εκεί έπεσε το αίμα σου. Στη μέση της πατρίδας χύθηκε, απέναντι από το παλάτι, χύμα στο δρόμο, για να το βλέπει όλος ο κόσμος και να μην μπορεί να το σβήσει κανείς. Κι έμειναν οι κόκκινοι λεκέδες σαν αδυσώπητοι πλανήτες... "
* Η σωστή προφορά των Αλιέντε και Πινοσέτ στα ισπανικά, είναι Αγέντε και Πινοτσέτ, όμως στο κείμενο διατηρήσαμε τις εξελληνισμένες εκδοχές.
* Πηγές:Salvador-allende.cl, salvadorallende.com, history.com, thenation.com, "Ο Φιδέλ Κάστρο για τον Αλιέντε" (επιμέλεια Δ. Καλτσώνη)